When the announcement came late last week that Nouri al-Maliki had won the endorsement of radical cleric Muqtada al-Sadr for a second term as Iraq's Prime Minister, it thrust the Kurds back into a familiar role as kingmaker. Maliki now has broad support from Iraq's Shi'ite parties, but still needs an alliance with either rival Sunni politicians or his former Kurdish allies to gain the parliamentary majority needed to form the next government. This means a heated round of concessions and compromises, with the Kurds retaining some powerful leverage. (Has Maliki finally brokered a ruling coalition?)
But the chief negotiator of the Kurds this time is not some member of the legendary Barzani clan, or even elder Kurdish statesman and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani. It is Barham Salih, 50, a twinkly-eyed technocrat with a doctorate in computer modeling. Even so, Salih is no stranger to the cutthroat arena of Baghdad politics. He was Iraq's Deputy Prime Minister under Prime Minister Ayed Allawi and, later, Minister of Planning. In 2009, he resigned from a second term as deputy prime minister, this time under Maliki, to become the head of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) which governs Iraq's roughly four million ethnic Kurds. Salih spoke with TIME's Charles McDermid on two occasions about the new government, old rivalries and the future of Iraq. Excerpts from the interviews.
TIME: What does mean to be Kurdish?
Salih: I think the view of the new generation might be different, but to my generation being Kurdish means standing up to genocide, ethnic cleansing and the denial of identity. You feel Kurdish when you are told you're not. I look around at other peoples and they have their own state, their own flag, their own seat at the UN. I ask, "why not me?" It's because I am Kurdish. (Read about how a census is raising tensions in Northern Iraq.)
Do the Kurds in Iraq want independence?
Yes. Every Kurd dreams of independence. But life is not about what you want; it's about doing what you can do with what you have. I believe we made the right choice to work for a democratic and federal Iraq - one that guarantees Kurdish identity. Had we pursued our own state it could have been an arduous journey with uncertain consequences. Working for a federal Iraq could have more tangible gains, and I genuinely believe most of the Kurdish people are with us. We have to see if Iraq ends up being truly democratic and federal.
How long, in your opinion, before a new central government is formed in Baghdad? I don't know, but I hope not long. This has gone on for far too long - while the country is plagued by violence and collapse of basic services. It is embarrassing and shameful.
When you went to Baghdad to meet with Prime Minister Maliki, were you carrying any specific demands from the KRG, in exchange for supporting him?
I did meet with Prime Minister Maliki. Our conversation was informal, and as expected government formation was the main focus. While affirming the need to address the Kurdish proposals, I emphasized the imperative of an inclusive government and a real power-sharing arrangement among the main political blocks.
How did Moqtada al-Sadr's recent backing of Maliki affect the Kurds position with regards to their role in the next government?
Regardless, we are seeking guarantees that new government is bound by the constitution and based on rule of law. We must be an integral part of decision making; we cannot afford to allow any single group or person to hijack the government. We will insist on collective leadership and cabinet government./p>
Are there fears in Baghdad of a Sunni backlash for what appears to be another Shi'ite-Kurd government?
Iraq's stability is contingent upon a meaningful power-sharing arrangement among the main Iraqi constituencies. Excluding the Sunnis will have serious ramifications to the security dynamics and could well take us back to the sectarian conflict.
Is the Kurdistan Regional Government seeking any concession on the disputed areas, namely the control of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk?
We insist the new government discharge its constitutional obligations by reversing the ethnic cleansing that the Saddam regime pursued in Kirkuk. You may call it concessions, but I call it applying the constitution and redressing the injustice afflicted against the inhabitants of these areas. (See the tensions over Kirkuk.)
Oil has been a bone of contention between the KRG and central government. Was oil sharing or smuggling discussed, or any mention of the impending oil revenue law [to disburse profits among Iraq's various regions and ethnicities] that has been stuck in parliament for some time?
Iraq is losing badly needed revenues because of a failed oil policy. The new government must be committed to adopting the oil and revenue sharing laws soon to regulate the oil sector in the whole country. We have taken a series of measures to curb any illegal trading in oil - but this also needs the cooperation from Baghdad to ensure this is applied across all the borders of Iraq, and not just in Kurdistan. We are committed to working with Baghdad on these issues - but on the premise of respecting our constitutional rights that allow us to develop our natural resources.
See why Iraq's oil law remains deadlocked.
See why Kurds vs. Arabs could be Iraq's next civil war.
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