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What You're Missing in Our Subscriber-only CounterPunch Newsletter JAMES WEBB: IF THE DEMOCRATS WANT A POPULIST,
IT'S HIM, FOR BETTER AND FOR WORSEJoAnn Wypijewski on how Webb really talks on his home turf in Virginia and on the two faces of populism, dark and lite. The New Yorker helped sell the war in Iraq. Now see how it shills for the drug companies at home. Fred Gardner finds Malcolm Gladwell, at the bottom of the New Yorker's deep barrel. David Petraeus is the favorite general of Bush and the New York Times. Alexander Cockburn on how the salesman of surge sold himself. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now
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Today's Stories February 2, 2007 Chris Kutalik February 1, 2007 Diane Farsetta Marjorie Cohn Mark Scaramella Ranni Amiri Christopher Ketcham Winston Warfield Corporate Crime Reporter Thomas P. Healy Website of the Dau
January 31, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Jean Bricmont Tao Ruspoli James T. Phillips William Johnson Tim Wilkinson Evelyn Pringle Joshua Frank Ramzy Baroud Mickey Z. Website of the Day
Werther Kathy Kelly Uri Avnery Franklin Spinney William S. Lind Pariah Mike Whitney Rev. William
E. Alberts Fran Shor Anthony Arnove Website of the Day
Nurit Peled-Elhanan Patrick Cockburn JoAnn Wypijewski Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Kevin Zeese Reza Fiyouzat Pat Williams Website of the Day
January 27 / 28, 2007 Diana Johnstone Eliza Ernshire Patrick Cockburn David Rosen Greg Moses Bernard Chazelle Tao Ruspoli Hermán
Uribe Ralph Nader Paul Craig
Roberts Fred Gardner Brian Cloughley James Abourezk John V. Whitbeck Seth Sandronsky Alan Cabal Pam Martens Website of
the Weekend
Charlotte Laws Mike Ely /
Linda Flores Joe DeRaymond Phil Donahue Zia Mian Jeb Sprague Evelyn Pringle Missy Beattie Martha Rosenberg Website of
the Day
Patrick Cockburn John Ross Jeremy Scahill Frida Berrigan Paul Craig Roberts Jason Yossef
Ben-Meir Christopher Brauchli Holger W. Henke Dave Lindorff Julia Landau Website of the Day
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Roberts Lt. Gen. William Odom Sharon Smith Brian M. Downing Heather Gray Ron Jacobs James Brooks Robert Day Website of
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Trish Schuh Robert Bryce
Stephen Soldz John Blair Gloria La Riva Joshua Frank Patrick Cockburn Ralph Nader Dave Lindorff Uri Avnery Website of the Day
January 22, 2007 Manuel Garcia,
Jr. Jen Marlowe George McGovern Paul Craig
Roberts Norman Solomon Amira Hass Mike Whitney Ramzy Baroud John Walsh Website of
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January 20/21 2007 Alexander Cockburn
Gail Dines
Newton Garver
Gilad Atzmon
Seth Sandronksy
Raphaelle Bail
Jim Goodman Larry Portis
Website of
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Jonathan Cook
Glen Ford Dave Lindorff
Larry Portis
Website of
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William Peace
Virginia Tilley
Michael Donnelly
B.R. Gowani
Larry Portis
Jason Hribal
Website of
the Day
Franklin Spinney John Ross Susan George Paul Craig
Roberts Joshua Frank David Lindorff
Col. Sam Gardiner
Marjorie Cohn
Saul Landau
Ron Jacobs
Susan Block Ken Couesbouck Website of
the Day
Roger Morris Paul Craig
Roberts Kathy Kelly William Blum Ralph Nader Saul Landau January 12 / 14, 2007 Patrick Cockburn David Rosen William S.
Lind Laith al-Saud Paul Craig
Roberts John Ross George Ciccariello-Maher Christopher Brauchli Robert Buzzanco Evelyn Pringle Peter Rost,
MD. Mike Whitney Yifat Susskind Saul Cohen Missy Beattie Stephen Lendman Website of
the Weekend
January 11, 2007 Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Paul Craig
Roberts Kathy Kelly Dave Lindorff Jeff Leys Richard W.
Behan Col. Douglas MacGregor Website of
the Day Speech of the Day
Peter Linebaugh Robert Fantina Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Col. Dan Smith Ben Tripp Evelyn Pringle Ron Jacobs Mike Ferner Dave Zirin Website of
the Day Bootleg of the Day
R. T. Naylor Jonathan Cook Mike Ely and Linda Flores Joshua Frank Norman Solomon Sen. Russell
Feingold Joe Allen James T. Phillips Brian Concannon Leonard Peltier Website of the Day
January 8, 2007 Werther Jeff Leys Paul Craig Roberts Shulamit Aloni Dave Lindorff Sunsara Taylor Seth Sandronsky Dr. Susan Block Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Franklin C.
Spinney Paul Craig
Roberts Ralph Nader Walden Bello Marleen Martin Brian Cloughley Uri Avnery Saul Landau Ron Jacobs Joseph Nevins William S. Lind Gary Leupp Elisa Salasin George Ciccariello-Maher Beyond Chavistas and Anti-Chavistas: Deepening the Bolivarian Revolution Stefan Wray Michael Leonardi Richard Rhames Jeffrey St. Clair Barbara LaMorticella Website of the Weekend Song of the
Weekend
Jorge Mariscal John Walsh Christopher Brauchli Travis Sharpe Tom Barry Linda Schade
/ Kevin Zeese Tiffany Ten Eyck Mahmoud El-Yousseph Lucinda Marshall Website of
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Patrick Cockburn Winslow T.
Wheeler M. Shahid Alam Raed Jarrar Bert Sacks Kathy Rentenbach Stephen Fleischman George Bisharat Peter Rost, MD Evelyn Pringle Website of the Day
January 3, 2007 Kathy Kelly Paul Craig
Roberts William Johnson Stan Cox Trita Parsi Declan McKenna Joe Bageant Nicola Nasser Missy Beattie Website of
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Michael Watts Amina Mire James Brooks Alevtina Rea Al Krebs Peter Rost Niranjan Ramakrishnan John Stanton Website of the Day
January 1, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Uri Avnery Joshua Frank
December 30
/ 31, 2006 Alexander Cockburn Patrick Cockburn Manuel Garcia,
Jr. Tariq Ali Paul Craig Roberts Douglas Valentine Brian M. Downing Michael Donnelly Stephen Lendman Fred Gardner Bailly / Caudron / Lambert Ralph Nader Nick Dearden Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg Missy Beattie Ron Jacobs Dan La Botz Andrew Wimmer Dr. Carol Wolman, MD Martha Rosenberg Dick J. Reavis Jeffrey St.
Clair Poets' Basement Website of
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Norman Finkelstein John Borowski Abid Mustafa Greg Moses Uri Cohen Bailly / Caudron
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December 28, 2006 Norman Finkelstein Anthony Cowell John Ross Hilaria Cruz Greg Moses Brittany Bond Website of
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December 27, 2006 Alexander Cockburn Faruq Ziada Christopher Brauchli Michael Ortiz
Hill Nikolas Kozloff Mark Schneider
Peter Stone
Brown Tito Tricot Gary Leupp John V. Walsh Reza Fiyouzat Ron Jacobs Website of
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Saul Landau Lang / McGovern Michael Dickinson Website of
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Marjorie Cohn Jeffrey L.
Gould Diane Christian William Loren
Katz Greg Moses M. Shahid Alam Fred Gardner Dave Lindorff Azmi Bishara Ralph Nader Seth Sandronsky William Hughes Ron Jacobs Jeffrey St.
Clair
December 22, 2006 David Rosen Christopher
Brauchli John Ross J.L. Chestnut,
Jr. Rahul Mahajan Arthur Neslen Peter Rost, MD Website of
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Rosa Mariam
Elizalde Arundhati Roy Brian Cloughley Daniel White John V. Whitbeck Sam Smith Paris Reidhead Kevin Wehr Website of the Day
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Wheeler Tariq Ali Saree Makdisi Bruce Jackson Dave Lindorff Leslie Radford Dave Jansson Johnny Barber Website of
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Alexander Cockburn Jonathan Cook Greg Moses Sean Penn Dave Lindorff Ralph Nader Laura Carlsen Carlos Villarreal Website of
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Luis J. Rodriguez Norman Solomon Uri Avnery Ron Jacobs Phil Gasper Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi William Blum Jim Goodman James Brooks Maria C. Khoury Website of the Day
Vijay Prashad Saul Landau Anthony Arnove Paul Cantor Annie Nocenti Nicole Colson Stephen Gowans Jordan Flaherty Fred Gardner P. Sainath Seth Sandronsky Nadia Hijab Deb Reich Susie Day Albert Wan Missy Beattie Martha Rosenberg Lee Ballinger Michael Dickinson Jeffrey St.
Clair Poets' Basement Website of
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December 14, 2006 Jonathan Cook Riz Khan Jason Hribal Pennick / Gray Richard Levins Pat Williams Peter Rost, MD Website of
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Paul Craig Roberts Col. Dan Smith Ralph Nader Behrooz Ghamari Rev. Willliam Alberts James T. Phillips Bennis / Leaver Dave Lindorff Nikolas Kozloff Seth Sandronsky Lucinda Marshall Mike Whitney John V. Whitbeck Faisal Kutty Hugh Sansom Robert Gold Boots Riley Jeffrey St.
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February 2, 2007 No Child Left Behind and the Imperial ProjectCutting the Schools-to-War PipelineBy RICH GIBSON and E. WAYNE ROSS Any nation promising perpetual war on the world is likely to make peculiar demands on its schools and impositions on its teachers and youth. While it may seem a sideshow to war and exploitation, the sharp pressure from the Bush administration and its liberal allies to re-authorize the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) is, in fact, a vital part of the imperial project. The NCLB is the result of nearly three decades of elites' struggles to recapture control over education in the US, lost during the Vietnam era when campuses and high-schools broke into open rebellion and, as a collateral result, critical pedagogy, whole language reading programs, inter-active, investigatory teaching gained a foothold; some kids learned they could understand and act on the world-not good in a world where the Masters need the Slaves to deny their own domination. In de-industrialized America, the centripetal organizing point of most peoples' lives is no longer a factory or the union movement, but rather school. So, securing every aspect of schooling is essential to elites. Twinned with the NCLB, now comes the equally bi-partisan New Commission on the American Workforce report, "Tough Choices for Tough Times". Tough-Tough was authored by such educational experts as the director of the militarized Lockheed-Martin, and university presidents whose incomes are frequently dependant on grants from the military, earmarked for "research." Tough-Tough calls for national curriculum standards as a means of recapturing the witless patriotism necessary to get people to work, and eagerly fight and die, for what is abundantly easy to see are the interests of their own rulers. To resist NCLB at its choke points is to cut the human pipeline for the promise of perpetual war. Teachers and all school workers are uniquely positioned to do that. Washington Post reporter Mike Grunwald outlines three claims made by NCLB supporters: (1) to focus on low-performing kids and schools; (2) to strengthen the federal role in schools via curricula standards and high-stakes tests; and (3) to use "scientific methods" to evaluate the techniques and products of educational work, that is, to apply the apparently timeless scheme of F. W. Taylor's scientific management time and motion studies to evaluate teaching methods and measure the knowledge pumped into kids through intensified surveillance and high-stakes standardized testing. Only the first part, has been trumpeted to the public, though education workers are keenly aware of parts two and three. The primary thesis proclaimed by NCLB supporters is that every child deserves a good education as a leg up in the US meritocracy. The reality is that doing school reform without doing economic and social reform in communities is, as our colleague Professor Jean Anyon says, "like washing the air on one side of a screen door--it won't work." Anyon's comment is so abundantly clear that it seems only the hopelessly obtuse or flatly dishonest would miss the point, but even though five years of NCLB practice proves it out, unless there is significant resistance from parents, kids, and school workers, what many have learned is a project that turns kids into commodities or customers and educators into production workers. Most mainstream liberals support NCLB by cheerleading, especially from Senator Edward Kennedy and California Representative George Miller who dismisses critics by simply not meeting with them. Liberal critics of NCLB ingenuously seek to re-load curricula regimentation and high-stakes testing for their own narrow ends, tweaking the law by, for example, demanding full funding (teacher unions) and modest accommodations for scoring problems (most professional associations). However, key initial proponents of the NCLB project, including curricula regulation and high-stakes exams, make an interesting list, including the Business Roundtable, the U.S. Chambers of Commerce, and the leadership of the two huge (combined about 4 million members) teacher unions, the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers, who joined together to take out full page ads in the New York Times to demand it. NCLB and its key components (like textbooks, test production, and test tutoring) are more than profitable for some of its backers. According to the American Association of Publishers sales of standardized tests tripled to nearly $600 million since the introduction of NCLB. The testing industry oligarchy of CTB-McGraw Hill, Harcourt, and Houghton Mifflin control 80 percent of the total market, which is valued at over $7 billion. Under NCLB, each state must ensure that all schools and districts make "Adequate Yearly Progress," as measured by math and reading scores. (It should be noted that AYP is fraught with insurmountable technical and political flaws.) If a school fails to improve test scores within three years, a portion of its federal funding is diverted to "parental choice" tutoring programs, which not only weakens the school's ability to improve, but more importantly diverts public money to for-profit education outfits like Educate Inc. owner of Sylvan Learning Centers whose revenues have grew from $180 to $250 million between 2001-2003 and whose profits shot up 250% in 2003. Schools are, after all, huge markets-as a for-profit venture public education represents a market worth over $600 billion dollars. However, only a grasp of the nature of US unionism today, corporate unionism that sees a unity of purpose between labor, government, and business "in the national interest," explains support from union leaders, whose high salaries are drawn directly from the imperial well. Schools serve to train the next generation of workers, from pre-prison schooling in some urban and rural areas, to pre-military schooling, to pre-middle class teacher training, to pre-med or pre-law, to the private school systems of the rich; schooling is divided along razor sharp lines. Schools do skills training, and depending on where a child is, some limited intellectual training. In public schools, the key issues of life: work, production and reproduction, rational knowledge, and freedom, are virtually illegal. It is illegal in California, for example, to teach positive things about the communist movement, and hence nearly impossible to teach about unionism. It is illegal to teach about the joys of sexual pleasure. Rather, discussions about sex must be padded with plenty of fear, and promises of abstinence. It is not possible for most educators to merely say that all gods are myths, and the suspension of critique that is faith is a dangerous move. And, in regard to freedom, anyone who visits a school will quickly see that it is a sheer abstraction in schools, as the entire system of surveillance (both physical and intellectual) is designed to eradicate it. Nevertheless, it is true that schools fashion hope, real or false, and that society's whose hope through school is erased are commonly steeped in rebellion, as in France, 1968. Redesigning what hope is, and tamping down expectations of school workers, parents, and kids, is part of the NCLB project. There has been resistance to high-stakes testing. George Schmidt, editor of the Chicago educator newspaper Substance (http://www.substancenews.com), was fired from a 28 teaching year career for publishing the Chicago CASE test after it was given in 1999. His dismissal upheld by the courts. The Rouge Forum, an organization of about 4,000 school workers, parents, students, community people, has led successful test boycotts and school walkouts in Michigan, New York, and California. There has, however, been little continuity in this work, perhaps reflecting the problems of a poorly funded volunteer group. Rouge Forum leaders have stuck by their insistence that there is a direct line from the systems of capital to imperialist war to the regulation of what people need to know, how they come to know it, and the warped systems of surveillance that inevitably are anti-working class, racist, high-stakes tests. In January 2007, renowned education author Susan Ohanian initiated an online petition calling for the abolition of the NCLB online, through The Educator Roundtable. Her effort was immediately attacked by the leadership of the National Education Association with a letter urging their members not to sign the petition. NEA now calls for some limited reform of NCLB, and demands the imperial bribe: full-funding. NEA plans to spend $1 million lobbying to get it. Other complaints about NCLB have been more off target. The Palm Beach Post of January 11, proclaimed, "The bedrock fantasy is that every child in America will be able to read and do math on grade level by 2014. Everyone knows that can't happen." Setting aside the problem of
what "grade level" is, a fully literate population
is quite possible with a door to door community based program
coupled with a project of social change, as the Cuban literacy
success amply demonstrates. In regard to claim two, we are skeptical about the truly public nature of a national school system that is absolutely segregated by class and race, where the teaching force itself is an apartheid body (about 85 percent white teaching minority/majority kids), where different content is taught to different students based on their birthright, and where test results are as predictable as income levels within zip codes. These may well be their schools, serving the needs of capital, just as the Ford plant is not ours, but Ford's, is also in question, though both at Ford, and in schools, there is always resistance, as regimented labor and intellectual work both suck. Ford, however, produces machines, and schools produce hope. Other resisters seek to participate in the NCLB process on the grounds that, "If you are not in the room, your voice won't be heard." That sums up the position of liberal historian Gary Nash, the key author of the National History Standards, who wrote them in part because he was concerned that if he did not do it, then the neo-conservatives would. Nash hoped no high-stakes exam would be attached. His standards, which excluded Marxist and feminist interpretations at the outset, were then voted down by a Rush Limbaugh-inspired congress. He re-wrote them and, in our eyes, became what he set out to oppose, his history standards as partisan as could be. And now, as with the Michigan MEAP (long administered by Standard and Poor's) a watered down version of Nash's standards serves as the state's exam. Support for the high-stakes exams which, in every instance, were born from curricula regulations, make appeals like this: "The rationale for standardized testing has always been a matter of common sense: In order to measure how each student is doing academically, there has to be a standard of measure." That remains the publicity claim of the conservative Mackinac Center in Michigan, an appeal to simple reason. We want to focus on high-stakes examinations as a key choke point in public schools and to suggest that, while petitioning to abolish the NCLB and the tests along with it is a fine first step, only direct action in the form of boycotts, matched by outside freedom schooling, can possibly overcome the destruction of reason the tests truly represent, creating a class of counter-curious kids, their level of projected subservience varying with their inheritance. It is equally true that trying to vote troops out of Iraq may be a fine thing, but the direct action of troop refusals, mass disobedience, and throwing military recruiters off campuses, is likely to be the only powerful form of war resistancecreating the kind of self-conscious movement that can be sustained through all the promised imperial adventures. High stakes testing has its roots in the early twentieth century work of Lewis Terman and Robert Yerkes who promoted the IQ test to prove the genetic advantages of races they had already identified as superior, demonstrating the use of bogus science to determine who should be an officer in a segregated military. Their work in the American Eugenics Society (AES) aimed at identifying degenerate races, in order to purify the gene pool. Their work was used to sterilize thousands of women, against their will. During their Nuremburg trials, Nazis routinely pointed to the AES as an inspiration. Carl Brigham worked with Yerkes. He's the key founder of the widely used SAT. Today, the conservative favorite, Charles Murray, co-author of the racist The Bell Curve, which was used as the intellectual basis to demolish the welfare system, published a series of articles in the January 2007 Wall Street Journal suggesting that IQ tests should be used to track youth into specific schools, as "To have an IQ of 100 means that a tough high-school course pushes you about as far as your academic talents will take you." NCLB simply puts Murray into the daily life of schools. However, the geneticist effort is deepened by the Taylorist, "scientific management," aspects of high-stakes tests which not only place educators and students under the constant supervision of those who seek to deem some inferior, but it also meets the key goal of replacing the mind of the worker, in this case a teacher, with the mind of the boss, through strict curricula regulations, eradicating a vital lynchpin of learning anything: freedom. Here is what we think is a reasonable litany of objections to the NCLB, its national curriculum, and the attached noose, high stakes exams.
We support the rising tide of education worker resistance to the high-stakes exams, as well as student and educator boycotts. We are sharply opposed to those false-flag reformers who seek to do anything but abolish the NCLB, its tests, and its developing national curriculum. Liberal reformers on this bent simply lend credence to a government that stands fully exposed as a weapon of violence for the rich, they disconnect the clear class and race domination in not-so public schooling from the empire's wars, and they mislead people into believing the dishonest motives of prime NCLB proponents. Above all, through their clear opposition to direct action versus the big tests, as in NEA's attack on Ohanian, they simultaneously seek to destroy the leadership of a movement that could actually succeed, and they once again try to teach people that others, usually elites, will solve our problems, a vile diversion from the fact that no one is going to save us but the united action of us. Parents and students have a legal right to opt out of the exams, which are little more than child abuse made respectable. That the school worker force is aware of the abusive nature of this testing, seeing second-graders in tears as a matter of routine, cleaning vomit off test booklets, etc., speaks to the levels of opportunism, fear, and racism in the work force. Nevertheless, many courageous school workers continue to speak out, to call for action, and in some cases to play a leadership role. Practice suggests that boycotts initiate first in wealthy areas, then when people in poor and working class neighborhoods see that succeed, they follow suit. The wealthy, after all, have the power and outlook to shut down the tests from the outset, and they know regimented curricula simply makes their kids stupid, wastes their time. Peers in private schools never have to take a silly MEAP. Test boycotts in wealthy areas of Michigan and California, for example, have been going on for years. Poor and working class parents and students, however, need to learn, probably from teachers, that the tests are not designed to make education equitable, but to track them into meaningless jobs, or the militaryfighting and dying against what they are never taught are truly the enemies of their enemies. In addition, they need to learn that their power supersedes boycotts in rich areas, in that it can truly bring the testing to an end and even serve as a foundation for much broader social change for equality and democracy. Ending imperialism is a pedagogical project, involving a mass change of mind that overcomes most, if not all, of the defects built into every birthright of capital. The linkage of education and social action that could come from anti-test boycotts could be part of that change of consciousness so urgently needed now. We are not barbarians seeking to bring down education itself. We recognize the need to link freedom schooling with test boycotts. Freedom schooling could, for example, be conducted in homes, community centers, or churches, for older students addressing the question of why things are as they are, through community power analyses, while youngsters could be treated to the forbidden delights of recess, free play, storytelling, and playmaking. We hope to contribute to the movement to take direct action against the Big Tests. Some beacons of education publications, like Substance News in Chicago, and organizations like the Rouge Forum, leading a March 1 2007 conference in Detroit, deserve support. Rich Gibson is a professor emeritus at San Diego
State University. E. Wayne Ross is professor at University
of British Columbia. They are co-editors of Neoliberalism and Education Reform to
be published by Hampton Press in 2007. |
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