Politically 2014 in Armenia in April with the resignation of Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan, who had served as head of the government for six years.

Opposition groups in Armenia had been preparing a motion in parliament on April 28 as well as simultaneous large-scale street protests demanding the premier’s resignation, but Sargsyan stepped down on April 3, making the opposition demands a moot point. Later he was appointed Armenia’s ambassador to the United States.

Parliament Speaker Hovik Abrahamyan was appointed prime minister 10 days later and that appointment was perceived by many as a compromise decision since Abrahamyan, while being a senior member of President Serzh Sargsyan’s ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA), is also in-laws with leader of the “non-governing” Prosperous Armenia Party (PAP) Gagik Tsarukyan. Some analysts suggested it was a way of appeasing the opposition, although the RPA categorically denied the changes were made under opposition pressure.

Some members of the previous government, particularly in the so-called economic unit, were replaced, but most retained their positions despite opposition criticism.

The year also stood out by the emergence of an informal opposition alliance consisting of four parliamentary minority factions – the PAP, the Armenian National Congress (ANC), the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) and Heritage.

The four parties quickly dubbed “Quartet” issued a set of demands to the government mainly concerning the social and economic situation in the country, setting September 30 as a deadline for their fulfillment.

Three of the Quartet parties also demanded that the current administration scrap plans for a major constitutional reform that they claimed was tailored to the needs of the ruling party to remain in power after President Sargsyan’s second and last term in office expires in 2018.

Dashnaktsutyun disagreed with its partners over the matter and withdrew from the Quartet for the period of public protests that began in the provinces in late September and continued in Yerevan in October. As the three parties, quickly named Troika, held their well-attended rallies in the capital, President Sargsyan announced through his spokesman that he will give his opinion on the draft concept of constitutional reform in February-March. This was taken by the Troika as at least “suspension” of the reform.

Meanwhile, the Troika parties appeared to also disagree on their common agenda. Unlike the PAP and the ANC, for example, Heritage has spoken against Armenia’s membership in the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Along with several other minority lawmakers the Heritage faction voted against the ratification of the treaty that was supported overwhelmingly by the majority party and most minority groups in the National Assembly.

Another politically memorable event took place in October when Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Territorial Administration Armen Gevorgyan, who had been in top flight politics for more than a decade, resigned. Gevorgyan said he wanted to continue his career in the private sector, and later he was appointed head of IDeA (Initiatives for Development of Armenia), a foundation set up by leading Russian-Armenian businessman and philanthropist Ruben Vardanyan and his wife Veronika Zonabend.

In the wake of Gevorgyan’s resignation the government initiated structural changes in its composition, as a result of which the Ministry of Territorial Administration was merged with the Ministry of Emergency Situations and the latter’s minister Armen Yeritsyan was appointed to lead the new ministry.

Former Finance Minister Vache Gabrielyan, meanwhile, was appointed Deputy Prime Minister. Gabrielyan was also appointed head of the newly established Ministry of International Economic Integration and Reforms. This new ministry will deal with economic reforms and relations stemming from Armenia’s EEU membership.