Editor's Note: This story has been updated to reflect recent developments.

Two days after Thai authorities banned Boundary, a documentary about Thailand's festering border dispute with Cambodia at Preah Vihear, censors have lifted the ban, citing a "technical mistake". The ban occurred as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) prepares to make a ruling over territory surrounding the 11^th century ruins.

Initially, Thai film censors claimed the documentary, which was directed by Nontawat Numbenchapol and debuted in February at the Berlin International Film Festival, was a threat to national security and international relations.

Further, authorities explained that a subcommittee with insufficient authority issued the ban. After watching the film for a second time on Thursday afternoon, censors changed their tune and said they found it inoffensive. The film has since been approved for viewers of 18 years and above.

The film, Boundary, is an account of the border conflict that erupted in 2008 as told by a former soldier living in the area and villagers from Cambodia and Thailand. When fighting intensified two years ago, 17 soldiers and one civilian were killed, while thousands of villagers were displaced.

Last year troops withdrew from the hilltop in the Dangrek Mountains after a demilitarized zone was established in The Hague.

Accounts from both sides of the conflict dating back to a 1962 ICJ ruling are detailed, but apparently a sub-committee governing film and video screening dismissed some of the Cambodian accounts as groundless, adding that some of this information was still before the court. 

The ICJ is expected to clarify its 1962 ruling, which ruled that the thousand-year-old temple belonged to Cambodia but failed to definitively demarcate the borders surrounding the site. The land where Preah Vihear sits was occupied by the Khmer Rouge throughout Cambodia’s long running civil wars.

Although it has been lifted, the short-lived ban of Boundary was not an isolated case. Thai censors have made similarly questionable interpretations and harsh rulings in the past.

In 2011, a movie about a transgender father trying to raise two children – Insects in the Backyard – was deemed immoral and banned, while last year a local adaptation of Shakespeare’s Macbeth was banned amid arguments that it was divisive.

Thankfully, things turned out differently for Boundary and Numbenchapol's film can now have an audience.

In an interview with the Hollywood Report Numbenchapol said, "Everyone I've spoken with who's seen it says the film shows the point of view of every side, and that the film is neutral.”

He continued, “My intention was to let the film be a space for the people in the troubled territories to voice their views and feelings to the outside world – which they haven't had a chance to express in other Thai media."

Southeast Asia has four monarchies, each with its own unique traits. Brunei is an absolute monarchy, while Thailand, Malaysia, and Cambodia have the constitutional form. The history of these monarchies, including their future prospects, is discussed in the March 2013 issue of the Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. The essays in the volume give a fascinating overview of how these monarchies survived colonialism and the transition towards democracy. 

In Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah has been the absolute ruler since 1984. Professor Naimah Talib argues that the Sultan successfully wields centralized authority by promoting the ideology of Melayu Islam Beraja or Malay Islamic Monarchy. To accommodate the rising middle class, the Sultan welcomed educated elites into his government. To further strengthen his legitimacy, he used the country’s oil revenues (accounting for 70 percent of its GDP) to implement generous welfare programs which allow Bruneians to enjoy one of Asia’s highest standards of living. What’s more, there is no personal income tax in Brunei.    

Constitutional amendments were introduced in 2004 to pave the way for so-called democratic reforms, but they only gave the Sultan greater powers. A Legislative Council was formed, but its members were all appointed by the Sultan.

Meanwhile, Cambodia’s past half century was dominated by one figure, Khmer King Norodom Sihanouk. He was King for two terms and abdicated twice. Throughout Cambodia’s tumultuous modern history, he served as head of state, premier, and even became a guerrilla leader who fought for his country’s independence. There was no Cambodian monarchy from 1970 to 1993, but Sihanouk became King again and continued to be a well-liked figure until his death last October.

According to Professor Charnvit Kasetsiri, Sihanouk was the first King in Cambodian history who made direct contact with his subjects, which probably explains his enduring popularity among the masses.  monarchy in the 21st century.Sihanouk’s charisma could benefit his son, King Norodom Sihamoni, and ensure the continuity of the Cambodian

Malaysia's monarchy is the least known in Southeast Asia, but it's unique for having a system of elective monarchy. The current Yang di-Pertuan Agong (Head of State) is Abdul Halim, the Sultan of Kedah. Malaysians have been engaged in a lively public discussion about the monarchy’s role in modern times. Many have also criticized the lavish lifestyle of the royal families and scandals involving some in their midst. 

For Professor Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, reviving the image of Malaysia’s monarchy might be possible through Tengku Faris Petra or Sultan Muhammad V of Kelantan, who is also Malaysia’s Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong: Fauzi wrote: “Being comparatively young and hailing from a state long ruled by the opposition, Sultan Muhammad V injected vigor into the monarchy with his simple lifestyle, humility, friendly disposition and avoidance of controversies which had beleaguered the Kelantan royal household.” 

In Thailand’s case, aside from being the most popular political figure in the nation, King Bhumibol Adulyadej is also the longest-reigning living monarch in the world. But Professor David Streckfuss thinks the Thai monarchy is “at its all time low in terms of both popularity and legitimacy” and the next monarch will inherit a “debilitated and factionalized institution with no clear path on which to continue.”

What contributed to the weakening of the Thai monarchy? Streckfuss gives three core reasons for the decline. For one, he thinks that building a personality cult around the King is not good for the throne. “The more successfully the King as a person and his good works are portrayed, the weaker the monarchy as an institution becomes,” he wrote. 

A second reason could be that some political activities, such as supporting coups and protests by some members of the Royal Family and the powerful Privy Council of Thailand have tainted the image of the monarchy as being neutral or existing above politics. Lastly, the excessive use of the lese majeste law, often described as the world’s harshest anti-royal insult regulation, has eroded the legitimacy of the monarchy in the eyes of many educated Thais.  

These essays demonstrate the scholarly and political interest inherent in the four remaining monarchies of Southeast Asia, which survived the great upheavals of the 20th century. It remains to be seen if these institutions will play a prominent role in shaping the future of their societies, and whether they will coexist with greater democracy and transparency.

In the United States, a picture is emerging of the personalities behind last Monday’s bombing at the Boston Marathon. Thanks to the technologies of the digital age, the histories of Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev have been traced from Cambridge, Massachusetts, to Russia and Chechnya, with links found as far away as Australia and Malaysia.

As authorities sifted through the two suspects’ social media accounts, from Twitter to YouTube and beyond, they came across a rant by Australian cleric Feiz Muhammad, an advocate of jihad and violence in the cause of militant Islam, among other sentiments from the Muslim fringe.

Sadly, this was what moderate Muslims feared most: a homegrown backyard terrorist operation cooked up by a quirky mix of ethnic-based dissatisfactions entwined with a God factor.

The appearance of Feiz Muhammad on a YouTube account held by Tamerlan would only add to such angst. A former Australian boxer of Lebanese descent, Muhammad did the authorities at home a favor when he packed his bags and headed back to Lebanon, before moving to Malaysia about six years ago.

In the 1990s, Malaysia was a focal point for would be jihadists, particularly the fledgling Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), a heavily structured, well-funded affiliate of al-Qaeda, which carried out the Bali bombings in 2002 alongside a series of other attacks primarily on Indonesian soil in the ensuing years.

JI ended with the arrest and jailing of Umar Patek, who was initially detained in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in early 2011, a short distance from the safe house of Osama bin Laden, who was killed in May the same year.

However, their disciples remain at large, often preaching to the converted and those dabbling on the periphery of religious extremism. Feiz Muhammad ranks alongside the most fervent of these militant evangelists.

Muhammad says that women who are raped deserve it because they wear “satanic skirts, slit skirts, translucent blouses, miniskirts, tight jeans: all this to tease man and appeal to his carnal nature.” He encourages children to become jihadists, and has called for the beheading of Dutch politician Geert Wilders.

Other quotes by Muhammad include: "Jews are pigs that will be killed at the end of the world.” He released a collection of sermons on a DVD titled The Death Series, which has been investigated for sedition by Australian authorities. In the YouTube video that attracted Tamerlan’s attention, Muhammad targets Harry Potter for paganism.

Muhammad’s influence over Tamerlan will never be properly determined or fully understood. The 26-year-old was shot dead, while his 19-year-old brother Dzhokhar was wounded and has been arrested.

A U.S. $5 billion dollar loan for construction of a rail link across southern Laos between Thailand and Vietnam has reportedly been approved. The loan is worth more than half of Laos’ total Gross Domestic Product.

New Zealand group Rich Banco Berhad has apparently approved the loan to Malaysian-based Giant Consolidated, which will build the 220-kilometer track linking the two borders. However, details surrounding the deal, the bank and its relationship with the Malaysian group are sketchy at best.

The project, along with other massive infrastructure projects planned by Vientiane, has raised eyebrows among economists who doubt the country’s ability to repay its potentially enormous debts.

According to the World Bank, Laos GDP was just U.S. $8.3 billion in 2011. Laos has sole ownership of the project and will be responsible to repay the debt after a Chinese group withdrew amid concerns over its profitability.

However, Chinese companies remain active elsewhere in the country and are prominent on big ticket infrastructure projects, including the U.S. $7.2 billion high-speed train running north to south and linking the Chinese border with Vientiane.

The Asian Development Bank has described that project as “unaffordable.” Yet, the EXIM Bank of China intends to fund the project, which the Lao transport minister says is almost ready to go ahead once the final details are thrashed out.

Other projects on the books include dams, roads and airports.

Many of the projects have proven controversial, particularly the Xayaburi Dam. The contentious project will be the first dam built on the mainstream of the lower Mekong River, home to more than 60 million people who depend on the river for their livelihoods. Vientiane has launched an extensive public relations campaign to try and convince sceptics of the dam’s value for the Mekong, its inhabitants and neighboring countries.  

The publicity push has been contradicted by independent reports that detail the potential damage to ecosystems and fish catches, which prompted calls for a moratorium by Vietnam, Cambodia and Western countries that fund the Mekong River Commission. Vientiane publicly agreed but secretly carried on construction.

Any criticism of these projects from the outside is met with indignation by officials who accuse the Western media of lying, while Laotians who question the merits of such massive developments are often ridiculed as unpatriotic.

In recent days, the Lao government has also faced intense international pressure over the disappearance of Sombath Somphone, a U.S.-educated Laotian activist prominent in community development. His plight was raised by United States Secretary of State John Kerry last month when he urged Laotian authorities to step up their investigation into his disappearance without delay.

Amid these ongoing controversies, Laos is taking on the added burden of constructing the east-west rail link, which is expected to take four years. Only time will tell if the government is up to the task.

Allegations of dirty tricks have emerged in the campaigns for the May 5 Malaysian elections after a number of websites were hacked and broadcasts by radio stations were apparently jammed.

Websites belonging to Radio Free Malaysia, Radio Free Sarawak and the news portal Sarawak Report, among others, were subjected to DDOS (distributed denial of service) attacks, which editors blamed on the Malaysian government.

Typically, DDOS involves saturating a website with information and requests that slow its response to the point of being inoperable. The attacks have been traced to Russia and Eastern Europe.

One site apparently received 64 million hits.

“This is not a proper expenditure of taxpayers’ money and it only goes to prove how vulnerable this 50 year old regime feels to the truth,” said Clare Rewcastle Brown, editor of Sarawak Report and founder of Radio Free Sarawak and Radio Free Malaysia.

Sabah and Sarawak, the two Malaysian states in the country’s east on the island of Borneo could cost Prime Minister Najib Razak and his United National Malays Organization (UMNO) its first election since independence from colonial Britain in 1957.

The leadership in both states have faced widespread allegations of corruption that include government kickbacks and illegal logging and have been pivotal in delivering the UMNO the required votes in previous national elections.

Details of the attacks have been restricted in cyberspace with the web operators relying on social networking sites like Facebook and bloggers like Din Merican to get information on the attacks out to the Malaysian public.

“BN (Barisan Nasional) controls every single newspaper and broadcast outlet in Malaysia, which are all forced to pour out propaganda favoring their party and to attack opposition leaders without allowing them their right of reply,” Brown said. “And yet BN are nevertheless clearly terrified by even the most modest platforms providing independent news or alternative information.” 

Similar allegations of hacking were made during the recent Sabah crisis, when at least 200 militia members from the Southern Philippines crossed the maritime border and launched a bloody insurgency in the name of the self-anointed sultan. The action cost more than 70 lives.

The Malaysian government was roundly criticized for its inability to control its eastern borders and deal with the rebels effectively and this was expected to cost the UMNO votes at the upcoming poll.

Prior to the insurgency in early March, the UMNO was widely expected to win the upcoming election. But opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim has gained an unlikely political advantage from the violence in Sabah. Given his unprecedented gains in the 2008 elections, victory for his Pakatan Rakyat coalition is no longer totally out of the question.