April 2013 |
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This Friday, April 19, will mark the 20th anniversary of the fire that brought an end to the Waco siege, after a 50-day-long standoff between David Koresh, his followers and the FBI.
As US authorities beef up security nationwide following Monday’s deadly explosions at the Boston Marathon and officials from Russia to Rio address precautions at the next two Olympic games, the uncomfortable truth is that governments are incapable of completely insulating the public from acts of terror, security experts told RIA Novosti on Tuesday.
I was almost done reading “The Fort Hood Sentinel” as part of my morning routine the other day when I came across a fascinating story about 22 Abrams main battle tanks (MBTs) being loaded onto a vessel off the coast of Germany and shipped to America. Without much fanfare, the Abrams left for South Carolina, according to an April 11 dispatch from Kaiserslautern by US Army Staff Sergeant Alexander Burnett.
Alexei Navalny, the charismatic Russian anti-corruption crusader who led protests against President Vladimir Putin’s long rule, will stand trial this week on charges that could see the Kremlin’s most vocal foe jailed for up to 10 years.
The so-called Magnitsky List, containing the names of Russian officials now banned from the United States, was supposed to have been a big deal.
The Kremlin must have seriously depleted its stocks of champagne on the weekend. The much anticipated announcement by the Obama administration of the Russians included on the so-called Magnitsky List no doubt caused President Vladimir Putin and his team to breathe a sigh of relief.
So, the other day Margaret Thatcher died and street parties broke out across the UK.
The world is once again looking toward the Korean Peninsula with apprehension, though at this point it should be used to Pyongyang’s routine threats to wipe its enemies off the map.
Radioactive fallout from South Korean nuclear plants blown up by enemy saboteurs could be, for Russia, the worst consequence of a Korean war – should one happen, Russian analysts said.
Shockingly enough, screenwriter Yury Arabov’s fiery acceptance speech at last week’s Nika Awards in Moscow was nearly entirely cut from a subsequent broadcast on the STS Channel – but the act of censorship actually proved the point that Arabov had been making all along.
I had been in the US for five years before I encountered my first white supremacist. It happened outside a gas station on a rural back road in Texas, next to a used tire lot that I suspected was a front for skullduggery. We didn’t exchange any words; we just walked past each other, scowling. How did I know he was a white supremacist if we didn’t talk? The “White Power” tattoo on his gut was a dead giveaway.
It was still dark outside when Jessica Long ambled into the Olympic aquatic center on a recent morning wearing a pastel one-piece swimsuit and gray knee pads to shield the stumps of her legs from the poolside concrete.
On April 5, 2009 President Barack Obama gave a speech that was supposed to set the agenda for his presidency in international security. “I state clearly and with conviction America's commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons,” he proclaimed in front of an enthusiastic crowd in Prague.1
The main building of the Russian Academy of Theater Arts was still smoldering, but the rumors had already started.
Working for an NGO – especially a foreign-funded one – in today’s Russia is rather like being the main protagonist in a computer game like Temple Run. No matter how many hurdles you jump over and how many monsters you dodge, there is always a new danger in your path.
US Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul’s official residence in Moscow is Spaso House, a Neoclassical Revival mansion that served as the setting for a ball hosted by the devil in Mikhail Bulgakov’s novel, “Master and Margarita.” An apt home, some might say, for a man who has been demonized by state-run media and pro-Kremlin officials since his arrival in the Russian capital a little over a year ago.1
The financial crisis in Cyprus has made headlines in Russia for days. At first, the Russian media were surprised by Europe’s seemingly irrational and destructive approach to the relatively small Cypriot problem, but the surprise soon turned to anger at the fact that Europe had informed Russia about its decision post factum and neglected to consult it, even though it was aware of Russia’s interests in Cyprus.1
I arrived in Russia in 1997, when Boris Berezovsky’s influence was at its height. The year before, he had managed to get Boris Yeltsin reelected, and we need not think too hard about how or why that was achieved.