January 2012 |
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The Russian space agency Roscosmos announced the cause of the Phobos-Grunt space probe failure on Tuesday: it was a software malfunction in its onboard computer.1
In his recent article, “We Need a New Economy,” prime minister and presidential candidate Vladimir Putin combines elements of different and sometimes contradictory economic theories – from neo-liberalism to the basic tenets of Marxism.1
The plan that the U.S. Defense Department has published will allow the Pentagon to save about half a trillion dollars and will reduce the country's armed forces by 100,000 people. The Pentagon claims the plan will not diminish the U.S. army's capabilities but this seems to be an effort to put a good face on the matter.1
On January 25, 2011 mass demonstrations began in Cairo and Alexandria, leading to the resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February and the transfer of power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) headed by Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi.
The United States has been massing naval forces off Iran’s shores. Since November the media has been filled with rumors about an imminent military strike on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure.3
Russian diplomacy, which has been treading a difficult path in the Middle East and elsewhere, is not afraid of quarrelling with the new rulers who came to power on the crest of the Arab Spring, and is certainly not seeking to hinder renewal in the region. It is simply trying to help make this process more civilized.
On Tuesday Russia circulated a draft of the United Nations Security Council’s resolution on Syria, its third since December, approaching it with the urgency the situation demands.
The article Prime Minister Vladimir Putin penned for Izvestia is the most striking and substantive document of the ruling tandem since gazeta.ru carried President Dmitry Medvedev’s article “Russia, onward!” in 2009.
Experts believe that while the Yury Dolgoruky strategic ballistic missile submarine is capable of filling in for the Yekaterinburg, which was damaged by fire shortly before the New Year, it will not fix the deficiencies in Russia’s nuclear shield.
America has finally set out on the long journey that will culminate with the presidential election on November 6 of this year. Everything that has come before – the registration of candidates, television debates – have all been preludes, a warm-up for the main event.
January 1 will mark ten years of Euro cash. This anniversary will be a sad one; the eurozone is going through tough times. The debt crisis that has swept Greece, Portugal, Italy and Spain threatens to develop into a financial downturn that could trigger a new recession.1
The testing of the Bulava submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) is completed and the missile will now be put into operational service, President Dmitry Medvedev said. The convoluted history of the project, which has been alternately criticized and praised, is finally reaching its intended destination.
Washington has once again signaled its desire to negotiate reductions in Russia’s tactical nuclear arsenal.1
Iran has issued an invitation to IAEA inspectors to visit the country, the first such move since the agency published its report on the status of Iran's nuclear program in November.
News of the death of Kim Jong-il was accompanied by conspicuous muscle flexing by the North Korean military. The “Dear Leader” left behind an enormous war machine, the maintenance of which consumes the bulk of the country’s daily activities. How does this machine work and what does the future hold for it?
The March 2012 presidential elections, which many thought would be a mere formality after Medvedev and Putin announced their decision to swap places, are taking on new, intriguing features. They may even become a survival test for Russia’s political system, showing whether any political change in Russia’s leadership is possible. This has suddenly become very important to the general public.1
Czechs are mourning the passing of their former president Vaclav Havel. This remarkable man achieved nearly all the goals he set himself as a young man. His life’s work was to give his compatriots the freedom of choice.1
The political message Prime Minister Vladimir Putin conveyed during his annual live Q&A; session can be summed up as follows: there will be reforms, but nothing to please the radical opposition. Putin had a similar message for the West: relations will be friendly on the condition that foreign governments and organizations do not meddle in Russia’s domestic affairs.1
It is becoming clear that President Dmitry Medvedev’s meeting with parliamentary party leaders on Tuesday has produced a stabilizing effect on Russian political life.