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4. Dear Skins, Furrs and Younge Indian Slaves

In 1690, traveling from Charles Town, South Carolina, James Moore made a journey “over the Apalathean mountains . . . to see what sort of Country we might have in Land as to find out and make new and further discovery of Indian Trade” but was perevented from reaching “ to the place which I had gon to see” by “ a difference about Trade . . . between those Indians and me”. [1] But it was not only trade that Moore was interested in.

James Moore –

I. . . took up seven sorts of ore or mineral stones, all differing either in weight, colour, smell or some other qualities. By my friend, Col. Maurice Matthews, I had these tried in England. He sent word two were very good and one indifferent. On the same Journey I was informed that the Spaniards had been at work within 20 miles of me. The natives described to me their bellows and furnaces and said they killed the Spaniards for fear they would make slaves of them to work in the mines as they had other Indians. The places where I took up the ores are much nearer Ashley river than any place now inhabited by the Spaniards or French. Reflecting upon the weakness of our colony and the report of a silver mine among us would incite the French in America, if not in Europe, to invade us I thought it convenient during the war not to make any discovery of them.[2]

Initially, the Cherokees had little contact with the South Carolinians who relied upon the interior tribes living in villages at the fall-line of the eastward flowing rivers to act as middlemen in the trade. The Cherokees traded there bringing skins, nuts, woven baskets and mats to be exchanged for English manufactured goods. Understandably, the colonist were hesitant to furnish the Indians with guns and ammunition, offering instead cloth, kettles, beads, paint, clothing and rum.

Over time, due to the depopulation of both over hunted game and Indian hunters who fell victim to European diseases and enslavement, the traders ventured further and further west in order to satisfy an unending demand for skins by the countries of Europe. By 1714, when it is known that Alexander Long was living among and trading with the Cherokee, 848,363 deerskins had been exported to Great Britain alone over the previous sixteen years. [3]

In 1716 the South Carolina Board of Trade issued the following trade schedule.

Goods Buckskins

A Gun. 30

A Yard Strouds. 7

A Duffield Blanket. 14

A Yard Half Thicks. 3

A Hatchet. 2

A narrow Hoe. 2

A broad Hoe. 4

Fifty Bullets. 1

A Butcher’s Knife. 1

A pair Cizars. 1

Three Strings Beads. 1

Eighteen Flints. 1

An Ax. 4

A Pistol. 20

A Cutlash. 8

A Shirt. 4

A Steel. 1

A Calico Petticoat. 12

A red Girdle. 2

A laced Hatt. 8

A Clasp Knife. 1

A Yard Cadis. 1

Rum, mixed with1/3 Water; per bottle. 1

Salt, Gunpowder, Kettles,

Looking Glasses As you can [4]

Alexander Long began trading with the Cherokees some time before 1710 and served as an interpreter in meetings between the colonist and the Indians. In 1711 Long and Eleazer Wiggen were operating a trading post at Chestowe, a Yuchi town located in present northeastern Georgia below the Cherokee villages. The traders had extended the Yuchi credit and when Long pressed them for payment an altercation ensued during which an Indian knocked Long down and partially scalped him. Two years later, at Longs instigation, a band of Overhill Cherokee attacked Chestowe. All the Yuchi warriors were killed in the ensuing battle and the few women and children who survived were taken captive. In May of 1714 Long and Wiggen appeared before a hearing of the Board of Commissioners of Indian Trade.[5]

George Sheel -

Mr Long said he would doe his Endevour to gett the Euchees cut off. . . . that he would be revenged on the People of Chestowe; that there was a great Difference between Long and some of the people of Chestowe.

Capt. Robt. Card -

Mr Long said he would have some of the Euchee’s heads on a Pole . . .there was a Difference between Mr Long and one or two of the Euchees. . . . there was a Design among the Cherikees to cut off Chestowe 10 Days before the said Town was cut off . . . the Cherikees designed to invite the Euchees to a Ball Play in order to cut them off.

John Chester -

Mr Long said . . . he would never lett the Cherikees rest until he had Satisfaction against the Euchees and gott them cut off.

Mr Clee -

Mr Wiggon and Long said there would be a brave Parsell of Slaves if Chestowe were cut off; I heard the Cherikees paid the Debts due to Long and Wiggen from the Euchees . . . the Cherikees would not have cut off the Euchees if they had been expressly ordered to the Contrary.

Mr Dillon -

the Indians related that Mr. Long told them the Governour had ordered the Euchees to be cut off. . . . Mr. Long and, me thinks, Mr. Wiggen said there would be a brave Parcel of Slaves if Chestowe were cut off. . . the Cherikees paid what Debts were due to Long and Wiggens from the People of Chestowe after they were cut off. An Indian told Mr Wiggen that Mr Long said the Euchee should be cut off before green Corne Time.

Henry Hartford -

I heard some Cherikees say they were incited by Mr Long to cut off the Euchees. . . . Severall Indians told me Mr. Long showed them a Paper and said itt was the Governour's Order to cut off the Euchees.

James Douglas -

the Euchees killed their own People in the War House to prevent their falling into the Hands of the Cherikees.

Mr. Card being sworn to interprit for the Indians -

Partridg - being asked if he heard any of the white Men incouraged the cutting off Chetowe says that Mr. Long told him that he had a Paper from the Governour which ordered them to cut off the said Town; being asked if the white Men had endevoured to prevent their cutting off Chestoowa said that None of the white Men had used any Indeavour to prevent itt; being asked if they had not promist . . . to reconsile the Difference with the People of Chestoowa, said that he was in the Woods a hunting but that he was told one of the Euchees was att Long's House before the Town was sutt off for Powder and that Long put Powder behind him and sett fier to itt and blew him up.

Skiacasea - says that the War Captain of the Euchase, Flint, and Ceasar, and one or two more att the Middle Setlements contrived the cutting off the Euchees and kept it very private till they came near the Town and then painted with a Design to fall on them and that Mr Long gave a Quantity of Powder and Bulletts to Ceasar and Flint to cut them off.

Eleazer Wiggen -

the Cherikees were dissatisfied for the Loss of some of their People and for that Reason cut off Chestowe. I heard from some white People that Mr. Long said he would never rest until the Euchees were cut off; that 2 or 3 Year agoe there was a Difference between Mr. Long and one or two People of Cestowe about Debts. Mr. Long said if itt pleased God to spare his Life, he would come up with them. . . . Flint and Ceasar said if the Governour would not give Leave they would cut off the Euchees themselves.

Alexander Long -

I was abused by some Euchees and my hair torn off 2 or 3 Year agoe. The Cherikees of their own Accord provided to goe against the Euchees. Me and my Partner recev'ed one Woman and five Children from the Cherikees for Debts due from the People of Chestowe.

The Question being whether Mr Long was instrumentall in

incouraging the Cherikee Indians to cut off the Euchees.

Upon concidering the Evidence it is the Opinion of the Board that he is guilty.

The Question being put whether Mr. Wigon was also conserned in incouraging the Cherikees to cut off the Euchees.

Carried in the Affirmative.

Ordered that the Euche People that are detained by Mr. Benja. Clee, Elea. Wigon, Gar. Dillon, Alexa. Long, James Duglas, Laurnce Richeson or any other white Man shall with all convenient Speed be delivered to their own People and that they shall receive no farther Satisfaction from the Euchees for them.

Ordered that Mr. Alexa. Long and Mr. Elea. Wigon have their Licenses taken from them and that their Bonds be prossected and that the President doe desire the Governor to order them to be prossecuted att the Sessions.[6]

Long fled prosecution and lived in exile with the Cherokee until 1724 when, needing his services, the South Carolina House of Commons pardoned him and he returned to Charles Town.

In 1715, several coastal tribes led by the Yamassee revolted against the English settlers in South Carolina, capturing or killing nearly 100 in the smaller settlements outside of Charles Town. Plantations and farms were abandoned as the settlers withdrew toward their stronghold in Charles Town. The colonists, fearing a conspiracy on the part of not only the nearby coastal tribes but also of the interior tribes and even the far western Cherokees, were in a general state of panic.

In desperation, the colonists sent two traders to talk with the Cherokees. Charles Town whose “hopes are increas’d by the expectation of the Cherokees, a very populous & warlike nation entering into alliance with us”.[7]

The Cherokees were by no means united in a decision to join the colonists against the other tribes which included their neighbors and traditional enemies the powerful Creeks. However, Colonel George Chicken, in a letter dated Saturday, December 31, 1714, wrote:

Col. George Chicken -

We Allso are informed by ye Congarare that abought ye latter end of August ther weant out 50 of ye Charrykeese to goe agenst ye Coeakeas [Coweeta Creeks] and about 4 day jorney down ye River [Tennessee] meatt with severall Conowes [canoes] wich they engaid: in ye fitte they killd 50 of ye Coeakees and 16 frinch men and toucke all ther women and cheldern slaves with aboondnce of goods that ye frinch was going to Trade with all among them.[8]

The Creeks, undoubtedly with an eye on the English and the possibility of their joining the Cherokees in an all out war, accepted an offer by the Cherokees and “excepted the flag of trouse that was seant to them”. A Creek party entered the Cherokee town of Tugaloo where “as Providence order’d it they Chang’d their minds and fell upon the Creeks and Yamassees who were in their Towns and kill’d every man of them”.[9]

Thus began a war between the Creeks and Cherokees that would continue in varying intensity for thirty years, while drawing the English and Cherokee into closer contact by ending the middleman brokered trade.

As a result of continuing abuses by the traders who were employees of wealthy Charles Town merchants who provided financial backing, the Commissioners of Indian Trade attempted to take control of and regulate the trade. In doing so they established trading posts, called “Factories”, at points between Charles Town and the Indian villages and appointed representatives to run them. One such Factory was established at Savano Town (a fall line trading center on the path to the Cherokees) under the control of Theophilus Hastings.

Hastings -

Toogoloe, June the 27th, 1716

Sir,

I send by these Fellows four hundred and seventy-three Bever Skins, which is fifteen Packs and thirteen Skins over, each Pack containing thirty Skins; for the Carriage you must give each Man a Quarter of a yard of Strouds; and those you load back you must give each a Pair of half Thicks or Cotton Stockings; dispatch them back as soon as possible, and likewise the pack Horses with Goods that you may have the Skins down, for they get Nothing by lying here. I can get you no Buffelo Skins as yet, but shall slip no Opportunity, which is what offers at present with my Service to all Friends, and accept the same yourself, from Sir,

Your assured Friend and humble Servant, to command, Theophilus Hastings.[10]

Commissioners of Indian Trade –

Tuesday, July 10, 1716

Met according to Adjournment.

PRESENT: Ralph Izard, Esq., Col. Jno. Barnwell, and Charles Hill, Esq.

Col. Moore being asked what Agreement he made with the Conjuror, and after what Method the Trade should be carried on, informed the Board, that the Conjuror agreed that for the Present, what Goods should be supplyed between this and the Fall, his People should fetch them from Savno Town, and likewise bring their skins without any Promise from him of sending pack Horses, amongst them, or being paid for it. It was also agreed by Col. Moore, that in the Fall there should be a Garrison and trading House erected at Congarees, that the Conjuror promised as soon as Notice was given him of white Men being come up thither, he would send Eighty Indians to assist them in erecting the Buildings;. . .

Wherefore having taken into Consideration, the Necssity they are in at present, as Want of Powder and Ammunition for their Defence, and going to Warr, we came to the following Resolution, of sending them by the said Indians, five hundred Weight of Powder, five hundred Weight of Ball, twenty Peeces of Strouds, Value three hundred Pounds.

Having also taken into Consideration, the further carrying on the Trade by Way of Savano Town;

It is resolved to send up, as soon as pack Horses can be procured, to the said Savano Town, a sortable Cargo to the Value of two thousand Pounds.

It's likewise resolved that twelve pack Horses and their Furniture be forthwith provided, to carry up the above said Goods, and likewise bring down the Skins. . . .

The Board having further considered for Persons proper to take care and dispose of these Goods, have made Choice of Col. Theoph. Hastings, to transact the Affairs amongst the Cherikees; and their being a Necessity for two more Persons to be imployed under him,

Ordered that John Sharp and Saml. Muckleroy, be said Persons.

They likewise make Choice of Maj. Willm. Blakeway for the Factory at Savano Town, to dispose and transact the Affairs there, and

Ordered that Capt. Charleworth Glover, to be Assistant under the said Blackway.[11]

Commissioners of Indian Trade –

Tuesday, July 24, 1716

Col. Hastings,

. . . It being the Resolution and Sense of the whole Country, not to have any more a settled Store among the Indians, but by Degrees cause the Indians to come to our Forts and purchase what they want, we are providing a considerable Quantity of sortable Goods to be lodged at the Savano Town, as also much another to be lodged at the Congarees, as soon as a Fort shall be built there in the Fall. In the mean Time we give you Orders to get the Indians to bring down the Country’s Skins to the Savano Town. . . .

there shall be Rum allways at the Savano Town, yet it is our Orders that it shall be sold there, and not sent up to you for Sale. You are for the Future to agree positively with the Indians, how many Burdeners are to be paid, for though you write us Word that there was but fifteen Burdeners with the Bever you sent down, yet they divided their Burthens and made up twenty-one, which for the Present we paid, but we design not to make this a President. . . .

It can be no Disadvantage to you, for the Indians to trade altogether at the Forts, our Designs being to keep you amongst them, under Pretense of Trade, to give an Account of their Actions, and what News they are pleased to send, as you have already done.

Instructions for Col. Theophilus Hastings, Publick Factor and Trader appointed by us at the Charikees, according to the Act for the better Regulation of the Indian Trade, &c.

Imprimis, you are hereby ordered to take Possession of all the goods, Wares, Merchandizes, Provisions, Ammunition, Impliments, Utensils, Armes, Slaves, Skins, Furrs or other Goods or things whatsoever, now actually belonging, or which shall be at any Time hereafter belong to the Publick, at the Place you are appointed Factor for, and take a true and perfect Inventory of the same, and Copys thereof send to us in Charles Town.

2ndly. You are to sell and dispose of, to any Indians in Amity with this Government, all such Arms, Ammunition, Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes as shall be sent to you from Time to Time by us, or our Successors, for the Use of the Publick, and to receive in Exchange for the same all such Manner of Truck, as Skinns, Furrs, Slaves or other vendible Commodities, as is customary to receive from Indians, by Way of Barter of Exchange, at such stated Prices as is mentioned in the Schedule annexed, and not otherwise.

3rdly. You are not to buy knowingly any free Indian, for a Slave or make a Slave of any Indian that ought to be free; that is to say, Indians with any Nation that is in Amity and under the Protection of this Government.

4thly. You are not to sell any Arms or Ammunition to any Indians, that have not made Peace, or have not entered into Articles of mutual Friendship, with this Government.

5thly. You are not on any Pretence whatsoever to give Credit or Trust any Indians whatsoever, even for the Value of one single Skin.

6thly. You shall neither by yourself, or by any other Person, directly or indirectly trade or deal with any Indians in Amity with this Government, on your own private Acount, or the Account of any other Person whatsoever, contrary to the true Intent and Meaning of the said Act, and as soon as you discover any Frauds committed contrary to the same, you are to give speedy Information thereof to us or our Successors.

7thly. You are to mark all Skins, Furrs and Slaves brought to you c/H, to which End we send you a Brand, and you are to take the same Care of them, as if they were your own private Interest.

8thly. You are to do the same by keeping in good Order and Repair all the Publick Horses, Saddles, and their Tackle, Furniture and Appurtenances that shall come within your Vieu, Jurisdiction or Imploy.

9thly. You are to keep an exact Journal (and transmit the same to us) with an Account of all Manner of News, and other Proceedings relating to the Trade, and to follow all such further Orders and Instructions, as you shall from Time to Time receive from us or our Successors.

10thly. You are not to buy any male Slaves, above the Age of fourteen Years.

11thly. You are not to promise or ingage the Word of the Government or of the Commissioners, to any Indian whatsoever, without a particular Order for the same.

12thly. You are to use your Endeavours in all your Discourses with the Indians, to induce them to come and trade at the Garrison, now settled at Savano Town; and likewise at the Congarees, when that shall be settled; withall promising them some Abatement of the Prices now set down, on the Goods they shall come there to trade and deal for.

13thly. You are yourself (and likewise advise those Persons that are with you) to be of friendly and peacable Behaviour towards the Indians, endeavouring by all Means possible, to prevent Abuses being offered them.

14thly. You are to receive all Presents whatsoever made you, by the Indians, in Behalf of the Publick, and return them other Presents in lieu thereof, not exceeding Half the Value of the Presents so made.

15thly. You are to send down your whole Returns now in your Hands, directly to Savano Town to Maj. William Blakeway, our Factor, as soon as you can.

16thly. You are to send likewise to our said Factor at the Savano Town, for all such Goods and Merchandizes as you shall judge proper and necessary for the Trade, and at such Times to send down what Skins, Furrs and Slaves shall be in your Hands, and transmit us an Account of what goods, you have remaining unsold.

17thly. You are to keep the Proceeds of the Goods which formerly came to your Hands, distinct from the Goods we now send, or are to send you hereafter, and give us a particular Account thereof; being different from the Rest.

Given under our Hands at Charles Town the tenth day of July, Anno Domini, 1716.

Geo. Logan,

Ralph Izard,

John Barnwell,

Charles Hill,

Jonathan Drake.[12]

Over the next several years the Cherokees continued to both trade with the colonist and war with the Creeks. In time, at Cherokee insistence, the colonist moved their Factories from the fall line forts into the Cherokee villages, while still trying to maintain control over both the value of goods and the conduct of the traders. Virginia tried to maintain trade with the Cherokees although they were never as successful as the South Carolinians. The French remained a factor in the ongoing Creek and Cherokee altercations.

Commissioners of the Indian Trade –

Wednesday, November 7, 1716

Col. Hastings . . . being discoursed on several Matters of the Indian Trade, says, that the Charikees utterly dislike coming down to the Garrisons, to deal, and will not agree to that Proposal, on any Account, (except for Rum).[13]

Tuesday, January 29, 1716/17

The Charikees desires that Cowee and Tunesee Towns, may be settled with a Factor each. That the Town nearest the Places of Trade, may fetch the Goods from Savano Town and the Congarees, and there be paid for carrying the Burdens, and promise that they will take care to punish the Burdeners that keep back or imbezil any of the Goods or Skins sent by them, and complain that the Factors do not use the right Measures to the Cloth.[14]

Tuesday, May 9, 1717

Mr. Wiggan says that he received Advice, by a Letter from Capt. Hatton, from the Charikees, that they were preparing to carry on the War on all Hands, against the Creeks . . . that the Creeks have lately killed four of their Men, and carried away Captive, one Woman; . . . the Charikees sent a painted Stick, to give them notice to joyn their Forces in the lattter End of July next to prosecute the War with them against the Creeks.[15]

Monday, June 17, 1717

Resolved that Col. Theophilus Hastings, Principal Factor for the Indian Trade, in the Charikees (by Reason of the particular Concern, it is at this Juncture to the publick Welfare) have Leave granted him; and he is thereby permitted to be abscent from the said Factory in order to proceed to the Creek Indians, on the present Treaty of Peace, in Agitation with them; on Condition of his continuing at the said Factory, in the Service of the Indian Trade; after his Return.[16]

Friday, October 4, 1717

we have Occasion to load a hundred Burdeners with Powder, Bullets and Guns for the Trade, to supply all the Charikees, because we hear there is a plot laid against them, by the Notawaugees, Senecas, Cavokes and several other Nations combined, which they design to put into Execution about five Moons hence. . . . [17]

Wednesday, December 4^th, 1717

relating to the prices of Guns settled with the Charikee Indians; Ordered that the Commissioners of the Indian Trade, do lower the Price of Guns they hereafter sale to the said Indians, as they shall see fit, but not to give them any Credit.[18]

June the 11^th, 1718

We are surprized that the Charikees should suspect our Men of joyning with their Enemies against them; and if it be true that there was white Men with the Creeks, in the Action where the three Charikees were lost, they were certainly French or Spainards, for it is not our Way to deal so perfidiously; and it was rightly observed that if we had had such a Design, we should not supply them with Ammunition to oppose us. . . .

As to the Conditions of the Peace with the Creeks, we cannot punctually inform Charitey Hagey of; but hope the Governor hath or will do it. They ecpect that the Paths to the English Settlements should not be molested by either Party, and have promised not to do it, for themselves, provided the Charikees will observe that Article.[19]

July 5^th, 1718

upon receiving Advice of an Expedition intended against the Charikees, by several Nations of Indians, headed by two hundred French Men, which is to be achieved the beginning of next Month, viz., August; and that Tougeloe and the upper Settlements will be attacted at one and the same Time. . . .

You must immediatley consult with the Heads of them . . . letting them know that they were our first Friends (notwithstanding their past Misbehaviour) we do espouse their Cause, and shall be forward in assisting and protecting them against All their Enemies, as they may now see by the Care we have taken to send Ammunition, and our Preparatin to joyn them with a Number of Men, if Need requires; such Friendship we suppose they will not find with their new Guests, the Virginians, whom they depend so much upon.[20]

July the 19th, 1718

Col. Hastings,

We have inclosed you a letter from the Governor, by which you will find we are resolved to stand by the Charikees, if the French should attack them, but shall not intermeddle, if none go but Indians; this we thought proper to let you know, that you can manage your Affairs accordingly. A Capt., Lt., and fourty-eight Men are ordered to the Congrees, to be ready on the first Advice, that any French are with the Indians, and then to march directly, and head the Charikees to attack them. You will therefore do well to disswade the Creeks and all the Indians you can, from joyning the French, by assuring them, that our Traders and white People there, will be obliged to defend themselves if they should be attacked by the French; and as they are our Friends, we hope they will not assist them.[21]

A South Carolinian -

This makes the matter of great weight to us, how to hold both the Charikees and Creeks as our friends, and assist them in Cutting one anothers throats without offending either. This is the game we intend to play if possible.[22]