Different estimates
Since there is no indigenous census in Brazil, global computations
have been made - either by the government agencies (IBGE, FUNAI or FUNASA),
by the Catholic Church (CIMI) or by the ISA - that are based on different
information which points to global estimates varying between 350 and
more than 700 thousand indians.
Both census criteria and dates diverge; there are peoples about whom
there is simply no information at all; very little is known about the
indians that live in the towns... Even the number of peoples varies,
either because some isolated
indians are now considered, either because some new peoples start
to claim their indian condition (emerging
identities ).
Below, anthropologist and demographer Marta Azevedo (Rio
Negro Program/ISA) analyzes the problems and prospects concerning
the improvement of the sources of demographic data about the indigenous
populations in Brazil:
The lack of data
To be able to study indigenous societies from a demographic point of
view, one must face some difficulties of two distinct origins. On one
hand, the lack of reliable data: in most cases, it is possible to obtain
a number of the total population of a certain geographic area but with
no characterization concerning gender, age, number of death according
to age and number of children born alive according to the mother's age
only to mention the main demographic variants. On the other hand, the
methodology of the demographic analysis available is adequate to populations
of a certain size which is not the case of most part of the indigenous
peoples living in Brazil at present. This methodological problem can
be solved by collecting historical data or by statistically correcting
and adequating all data, a process which has not yet been enough tested
or employed in the brazilian case.
The lack of sources with reliable data concerning the indigenous populations
is not an isolated problem in Brazil. In Estudios Sociodemograficos
de Pueblos Indígenas(1) -
a work with the conclusions of the seminar held in Chile in 1993 -,
some observations were made which compare studies about the autochthonous
populations of different latin american countries. There is little or
no possibility to compare the different national demographic censuses,
due to the disparity of criteria defining the "indian" category.
Notwithstanding, some methodological improvements in the specific indigenous
censuses, such as the census of Colombia in 1993, as well as some analysis
which use demographic censuses as reference together with other kinds
of registers, such as calculations of fertility based on the method
that led to have the child born the year prior to the census, are useful
instruments to evaluate specific information about indigenous populations
and their worries and to induce us to carry out future investigations,
as the investigation about the autochthonous peoples of Canada, for
example.
The anthropological methods or the combined use of different methods
allow us to deeply analyze the conditions of life of the indigenous
groups in the context where they live, as well as their relation with
the population around them, thus explaining some specific demographic
behaviors.
The indians and the official censuses
The demographic characteristics of the brazilian indigenous populations
have never been the object of specific interest of demographic censuses
(I will not comment here on the PNADs - national surveys by home sample,
also carried out by IBGE - , which did not examine the indigenous peoples,
maybe because they were not seen as possible labor force or as economically
relevant to the country). Despite the fact that they were not studied
as differentiated ethnic groups (nowadays, there are around 200 peoples
speaking different languages in Brazil), the question "color of
the skin" determines precariously the existence of indians.
The census carried out in 1991 was the first one to introduce the indian
variant as a specific item in the questionnaire of the sample concerning
the "color" item. It is, therefore, under this item that the
indians will appear as differentiated population; in other countries,
such as the US, it is under the "race" item that these populations
are studied (in the questionnaire of the 1990 census, the autochthonous
peoples are classified in 3 groups: american indians - the group to
which the person belongs is written in full; eskimos; aleutians;
the definition is given by those who answer the questions of the census
and not by the census taker).
Since the very first brazilian censuses, when the indians were counted
as dark people, there was always an observation (which was kept in the
1991 census) according to which only "the indians who live in FUNAI
offices or religious missions", would be included in the census
while the "aborigines that live in tribes hostiles to the contact"
have never been included. This sort of "indianity" classification,
that considers as criterium the time of contact with the non-indian
society, does not exist any more, nor in other countries, nor in Brazil
(since the 1988 Constitution). According to the last Constitution, all
brazilian indigenous peoples are citizens and therefore should be included
in the next censuses. In Mexico, these autochthonous peoples are included
in the censuses under the item "language spoken" (not foreign
language). It is then a linguistic criterium that prevails and not a
racial one, nor a criterium related to the color of the skin.
Nevertheless, it is possible to study the indigenous populations in
the censuses and compare these data with the registers, gathered according
to birth and death certificates, compulsory all over the country. Considering
the town as a territorial unity, it is possible to infer some kinds
of countings and characteristics in this study. We can cross information
about color with information about religion, language (1940 census),
those who live and those born in the town. Besides, we have information
about rustic homes (among which would be those belonging to indians).
For instance, in the 1940 census, let us examine the town of São
Gabriel da Cachoeira/Amazon (that had no divisions since that time):
Total population |
white |
black |
yellow |
dark |
13.182 |
1.011 |
68 |
8 |
12.043 |
Aiming at better knowing the social demographic characteristics of
the immigrants (germans, italians and japanese) that were coming to
Brazil, the 1940 census also included the information about the languages
spoken by the population. The results of this census allow us to observe
the many native languages spoken by a very significative population,
mainly in the states of the north, despite the fact that the indians
with little or no contact with the fronts of colonization were not included.
However, no analysis of this census regarding the native languages has
been developed up to present moment, because what has always mattered
were the other "foreign" languages spoken and not the native
ones. Based on this census, we can cross the information "color
of the skin" with "language spoken". This last item considered
only those indians who spoke guarani and other indian languages and
who were 5 years and older. According to the results, there was a population
of 46.208 people who spoke guarani or another aboriginal language in
Brazil; there is no information about the towns separately; in the state
of the Amazon, the population was of 10.381 men and 9.182 women (5 years
and older). It is possible to compare this information with other specific
data gathered by SPI (Serviço de Proteção ao Índio)
(Service to protect the indians) and later by FUNAI. In 1960 and 80,
the censuses considered only the item "color" and the indians
were included under "dark"; in 1970, the item "color
of the skin" was not included.
Many questions arise both from the definitions of the concepts used
in the censuses' questionnaires and from the methodology employed to
gather all the data. Many works have already commented and analyzed
the political choice of the brazilian censuses to identify the so-called
"ethnic minorities" based on the item "color of the skin"
and not, for instance, on "languages spoken" (as in the case
of the mexican census), or on "ethnic identification by people"
(as in the case of both the american and the canadian censuses), or
to carry out special censuses to these populations together with the
national demographic census (as it is the case in Colombia, Venezuela
and Paraguay). The variant 'dark', in the item "color of the skin",
is residual. This means that all the 'caboclos' (copper-colored mulattos
with straight black hair) of the north, the mulattos, and the 'mestiços'
(people of mixed breed) are in general classified as dark, with no further
nor more detailed analysis. The introduction of the 'indian' variant,
in the 1991 census, under the mentionned item, can also be discussed,
if we agree that it is not "color of the skin", such as dark,
but a generic category, instituted by the portuguese colonization in
order to identify all the native peoples living in Brazil at that time.
The results produced by the 1991 census concerning the indigenous population
must be analyzed considering the methodology employed to collect the
data. The item "color of the skin" is found in the questionnaire
of the sample; the brazilian censuses have two types of questionnaire:
one more general, where more general characteristics of the population
are studied, such as, age, gender, and that concerns the population
itself, another one where some more specific variants are studied, such
as number of children, size and type of family, levels of education,
levels of income, types of profession, etc., that allow us to make analysis
about the social and demographic characteristics of the population.
The calculation of the sample is made statistically, based on the characteristics
and the projections of the population obtained from former studies carried
out by IBGE. The sample of the brazilian census is considered to be
very representative of the population. The problem with the indigenous
population is that, besides the fact that there is no former studies
about its size and characteristics, it is divided in small units (compared
to the rest of the population), which makes it difficult to expand and
generalize the results (given that we have to consider small geographic
areas).
To be able to obtain information about each ethnic group considering
this variant, we would have to carry out an overcareful work of splitting
the data by town and afterwards by sections of the census and to observe
the population and its characteristics for each IL (Indian Land, considered
as special sections of the census) which would reduce the accuracy of
the results due to the small size of most of these peoples. The results
for all the states have been calculated (and not only those where the
ILs are) so that we could analyze the data considering those indians
that live in urban areas. The quality of the information is very good
if we consider the methodology employed. The total indigenous population
obtained was of 306.245, something very close to the totals divulged
by the other indian sources at this same date.
Considering these preliminary results, both anthropologists and demographers
are now expected to be interested in carrying out demographic and anthropological
analysis about these populations. Many calculations can be made using
the data gathered by the census, in spite of all the restrictions mentioned.
Considering that the year 2000 census also included this population,
a debate both on the different sources of data and their qualities and
potentialities for analysis is urgently needed.
Variant data
Other sources of data about the indigenous population are provided
by some institutions such as the Fundação Nacional de
Saúde (National Health Foundation) and the Instituto Socioambiental
(ISA) (Social and environmental Institute), each one with a distinct
methodology and distinct objectives. The ISA has been following carefully
the process of identification and demarcation of the indigenous lands.
To carry out such a work, it is necessary to estimate the population
that inhabit this land. These estimates are reckoned only with the intention
of informing about the process of demarcation and following the evolution
of the total population of each IL or of each ethnic group. To do so,
it is necessary to employ different sources of data, since the institution
does not have the intention of carrying out censuses nor demographic
analysis. It becomes, then "a real puzzle" according to Beto
Ricardo (2).
The Fundação Nacional de Saúde, (National Health
Foundation) Funasa, has been trying, since 1991, to collect data about
the population, mainly epidemiological data, with the intention of improving
the offer of health services. From year 2000 on, with the structuring
of the Distritos Sanitários Especiais de Saúde Indígena
(Special Sanitary Districts of Indian Health), this activity of collecting
and registering epidemiological data is expected to improve considerably
in Brazil as a whole.
The law number 6001 from 1973, Indian Statute, in chapter III, article
12, states that the vital registers, that is birth, death and marriage
certificates of "non-integrated" indians will be executed
by the indian welfare work, namely FUNAI. Therefore, it would be a precious
source to know data about indigenous populations, but, in most cases,
the indian offices do not have the necessary infrastructure for this
activity thus compromising the use of such a source of data. However,
Funai, able to assist indians with the demarcation of the land and to
provide health assistance to them, has been making out inventories on
indigenous population which are very comprehensive, despite the fact
that they present few variants to help with the analysis of the different
demographic components.
Since the foundation of the Conselho Indigenista Missionário
(Cimi) (Indian Missionary Council) in 1973, the catholic church has
been making out inventories of the indigenous peoples where they have
missionary offices and activities directed to assist indians. Cimi warned
about the increase in population concerning these peoples in the beginning
of the 80's and has also made out a very comprehensive inventory in
different areas of Brazil in spite of the fact that it has no income
to execute demographic analysis, since variants such as age, gender,
births and deaths in a same period of time for different peoples have
not been studied.
In the chart below, are the results of the indigenous population in
the states of the legal Amazon, by source, including IBGE's results,
which were divulged by FUNAI, health section, in 1996, together with
some data divulged by ISA in Povos Indígenas no Brasil - 1991/1995
(Indigenous Peoples in Brazil). We can observe, however, that some results
according to the state, are beyond those obtained by the other sources
- for instance: Roraima, Acre, Mato Grosso, Rondônia and Amapá.
In other states, it was the opposite: the indigenous population counted
by the census was very superior to that divulged by the other sources,
as, for example, in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Espírito
Santo. Here, there is a considerable population in the urban areas.
Therefore, the indian category must be understood and analyzed in a
different way: these are people who have identified themselves as indians,
people who are spread out over the urban centers. To analyze such a
phenomenon of (re)appearance of urban indians (or indians' descendants),
it would be necessary to carry out a qualitative, detailed survey- what
led these people to identify themselves as indians, what sort of characteristic
was taken into account for that identification to take place and so
on.
Comparative chart with inventories of the indigenous population
of the Ufs/States (Units of the Federation) of Legal Amazon
State |
ISA |
FUNAI |
IBGE |
Mato Grosso |
18.450 |
21.172 |
16.548 |
Rondônia |
4.012 |
6.923 |
4.135 |
Acre |
9.107 |
9.489 |
4.748 |
Amazonas |
57.901 |
65.433 |
67.882 |
Roraima |
32.771 |
31.265 |
23.422 |
Pará |
10.563 |
18.381 |
16.134 |
Amapá |
3.859 |
4.723 |
3.244 |
Maranhão |
12.859 |
13.768 |
15.671 |
Tocantins |
4.482 |
4.417 |
5.049 |
Total |
154.004 |
175.571 |
156.833 |
With regard to IBGE's official censuses, we would recommend that the
methodology to collect data improve, providing a specific training for
those census takers that went to work in the ILs, considered to be special
sections of the censuses. We could also recommend that a special questionnaire
for the indigenous population be prepared with the cooperation of specialized
professionals and that this questionnaire be applied together with the
census, so that we could really start to have comparable data and at
the same time, specific to the public politics directed to the indigenous
peoples. It will also be urgent, to think once again about the operational
criterium of identifying the indigenous peoples, not under the variant
color of the skin but as distinct social totalities, such as in the
cases of both the american and the canadian censuses.
To other institutions, such as Funasa, that provide information about
the population of these peoples which can be analyzed according to their
demographic dynamics, we would recommend to examine once again the geographic
criterium, including the demographic base of the ILs , small towns and
urban areas, due to the increasing number of indians in the cities and
considering that indians live in specific delimited neighborhoods, what
leads to a real network that operates and eases this migratory movement
as well as the social relations with their communities of origin.
Finally, we recommend to carry out indigenous censuses which would
integrate and complement the global censuses and would be elaborated
with a large participation of the indigenous communities in all its
phases (since the elaboration of the instrument to collect data) together
with the organisms that assist them technically or economically (Marta
Azevedo, december/ 2000).
NOTES
(1) A work accomplished with
the support of the following institutions: Celade, CIDOB, FNUAP, ICI,
1993.
(2)Beto Ricardo: "A sociodiversidade
nativa contemporânea no Brasil" (The contemporary native
sociodiversity in Brazil) in Povos Indígenas no Brasil (Indigenous
Peoples in Brazil) - 1991/1995, São Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental,
1996.