- By T J Finlayson

Part One – A Difficult Path  

Very soon the people of Gibraltar will be going to the polls to elect a new House of Assembly.   The time, therefore, seems appropriate to look at the history of constitutional development on the Rock.

The inhabitants of Gibraltar had to wait a very long time before achieving a political franchise.   This was undoubtedly due to the peculiar status of Gibraltar as a Fortress, which made the British Government reluctant to grant to the Colony the kind of political responsibilities being granted elsewhere in the British Empire.  The furthest the British Government was prepared to go in the nineteenth century was to allow civilian participation in matters of a purely municipal nature by means of direct nomination or appointment.   At no stage was the granting of the vote even remotely contemplated.

The earliest example of local involvement in the affairs of Gibraltar was when, during the yellow fever epidemic of 1804, the town was divided into Districts, each of which was placed under the charge of a Committee of Inhabitants.   These Committees were given the power to issue orders and regulations for the preservation of the Public Health.   Soon after, five “of the most respectable inhabitants” came forward offering to form a Committee for the preservation of the Public Health, an offer which was accepted by the Lieutenant-Governor.   Six years later, on the 31^st. October 1810, a Board of Health was established, composed of five official and twelve local members.   Yet another landmark in this increasing local involvement in the running of the City came on the 30^th. December, 1815, when an Order in Council was passed appointing Commissioners for Paving and Scavenging.

An important advance came in 1830 when a new Charter of Justice was issued which set up the Supreme Court, empowered to try civil, criminal and mixed cases.   The Judge of the Supreme Court sat with a jury for criminal trials and with assessors in civil cases.   Appeals were now to be direct to the Privy Council instead of to the Governor in the first instance.   The Judiciary thus became independent of the Executive and civil liberty granted to the inhabitants.   This was, in effect, legal recognition of the actual development of a civilian and commercial community in Gibraltar.   However, the people of Gibraltar were still a long way off achieving a political franchise and there were those in authority who felt that the changes of 1830 had gone too far!

One such person was Sir Robert Gardiner, Governor of Gibraltar from 1849 to 1855.    Gardiner held very strong views as to the way Gibraltar ought to be administered.   To him, the place he had been called upon to command was, above all, a Military Fortress.   He disapproved of the way Sir George Don, Lieutenant-Governor from 1814 to 1831, had encouraged the civilian population.

The extreme views of the Governor soon brought him into conflict with the Exchange Committee, a body now claiming to be representative of the inhabitants of Gibraltar.  Gardiner’s central thesis was that the civil population of Gibraltar could never aspire to the political rights granted elsewhere for the simple reason that Gibraltar was, above all, a Fortress, and that to give political power to its inhabitants would be tantamount to endangering the security of the place.  He accused the Exchange Committee of encouraging “notions of political rights which it never has been the intention of any British Government … to concede to the commercial settlers on the Rock.”   To the Exchange Committee’s complaint that “at Gibraltar, the inhabitants do not possess the civil rights common to all English colonies,” Gardiner retorted that all colonial possessions under the Crown were not fortresses and that “political power cannot be attained at Gibraltar.”   Why had Gibraltar not been granted political and colonial emancipation?     “…. For the simple reason that from the nature of the population and geographical position of the Fortress, it would be madness to grant such emancipation.”   Under no circumstances, argued Gardiner, should any commercial agent or trader of Gibraltar ever be permitted to participate either in framing its laws or conducting its Government.   “There are no grounds,” concluded the Governor, “on which they can, with any shadow of right or claim, demand elective franchise.”

Paradoxically enough, Gardiner’s attitude had the effect of giving a boost to the political ambitions of the Exchange Committee, who in the course of the arguments with the Governor gained valuable experience in political manoeuvring and in the lobbying of M. P.’s, and who as a result developed into a mouthpiece for at least one section of the community sooner that it might otherwise have done.   Things settled down after Gardiner’s departure, but the authorities’ attitude towards civilian participation in the administration of the place remained uncompromising.

From Sanitary Commissioners to City Council

In 1865, the “Sanitary Order for Gibraltar” was promulgated, providing for the appointment of Sanitary Commissioners and defining their duties.   The new Board of Sanitary Commissioners, who replaced the Commissioners for Paving and Scavenging appointed in 1815, consisted of twelve members, all of whom were civilians.   They were appointed by the Governor out of a panel presented by the Grand Jury of Gibraltar at an Extraordinary Special Sessions of the Supreme Court.   This was an important step in the growing civilian participation in the activities of the administration of Gibraltar, but did not, clearly, involve the granting of political liberty, and despite this new step the civil population of Gibraltar was still as far as ever from achieving the right to vote for its representatives.

If anything, developments in the latter half of the nineteenth century sometimes threatened to take away what had been granted in 1865.  Thus, whereas the original Sanitary Commissioners had all been civilian appointees, the system was changed in 1880 when four of the twelve Commissioners were to be nominated Government Officials, none of whom were ratepayers and all of whom were temporary residents.   An Ordinance of 1883 gave the Governor extensive control over the Commissioners, but this new law was repealed the following year when it was found to be unworkable.

When, in 1891, the Gibraltar Chamber of Commerce requested certain changes in the constitution of the Government of the Colony, the Acting Governor replied that “the formation of a Consultative Council in this Fortress is a scheme which I cannot for the moment think advisable.”    In that same year the law was changed yet again; henceforth only four of the Commissioners were to be locals, the rest being official nominees of the Governor.   Surprisingly, the new law was implemented at once without the thirty days’ grace usually given between publication and enactment to give people an opportunity to ask for amendments or modifications.

The ratepayers of Gibraltar complained that this was depriving them of their former amount of representation on a Board empowered to spend their money, and at a Public Meeting an Association was formed calling itself the Gibraltar Ratepayers Defence Association.   A Deputation was sent to London to meet the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and the new law was altered in 1893 to meet some of the objections raised by them.  However, despite occasional applications from the Exchange Committee for a larger representation of ratepayers on the Sanitary Commissioners Board, the Secretary of State always maintained that, owing to the status of Gibraltar as a Military Fortress, the Sanitary Commissioners had to have a Government majority, and that this had to be a ‘sine qua non’ of its constitution.

And so the Gibraltarians moved into the twentieth century, still ruled directly from London and without much hope, it would seem, of achieving civic rights, at least for the foreseeable future.    At the end of the First World War in 1918, Gibraltar was sent a Governor who was destined to take the first steps along the road to the granting of at least a limited franchise for the civilian community – Sir Horace Lockwood Smith-Dorrien.   

What the leaders of the community were asking for by then was not too revolutionary  In 1919, a Deputation from “the Gibraltar British Workmen’s Association” visited the Secretary of State for the Colonies and asked for some form of representation based on a popular franchise in matters affecting the rates, the water supply, and other services then controlled by the Sanitary Commissioners.  The Exchange Committee for their part wanted the formation of a Consultative Council, composed of Naval, Military and Civil Representatives to advise the Governor on all matters affecting the civil population.   There was no mention of such a body being elected by the inhabitants of Gibraltar.   The Secretary of State, whilst still insisting on the maintenance of an official majority, was now prepared to consider the proposal that the non-official members should be elected on a broad franchise of the ratepayers; in 1919 that meant less then 4,000 persons in a population of about 19,000. 

Protracted discussions eventually led to the enactment of the City Council Ordinance of 1921.      The Sanitary Commissioners ceased to exist, and their powers, duties, property and liabilities were transferred to a City Council.  This City Council was to consist of nine members, of whom five were nominated or appointed by the Governor and four were elected.   The labour representation on the Committee appointed to prepare the constitution of this new body initially objected to an official majority, but these objections were eventually withdrawn on the understanding that the Governor would agree to a majority of elective members when the people of Gibraltar had proved themselves fit to exercise such increased political responsibilities.

Part Two – A Glimmer of Hope

 The constitution of a City Council in 1921 was an important advance as this was, it did not, of course, give the people of Gibraltar a political franchise.   Quite apart from the fact that the City Council contained a minority of elected members, the vote was still restricted to ratepayers.   This meant that only 4,265 persons were entitled to vote, of whom 2,997 actually voted at the first City Council elections; the population of Gibraltar at the time was around 18,500.   Furthermore, the powers of the Council were restricted to the collection of rates for sanitary works and municipal duties.   There was still no Executive Council nor any legislative body, and the Governor exercised by himself all the functions of Government and legislation.

These first ever elections in Gibraltar proved to be a triumph for the Workers’ Union, three of the four candidates supported by them winning through.  None of the three members of the Exchange Committee and the Chamber of Commerce got in.

That this momentous development was not looked upon by some as the end of the road may be seen from the words of Dr. P F Lyon at the Annual General Meeting  of the Exchange held on the 24^th. January 1922.

…. The Council, as at present constituted, does not fully satisfy the natural aspirations of Gibraltar.  We hope that the day is not too far distant when we will assume entire control of local affairs and institutions.   We all know that there are very many gentlemen from all classes in Gibraltar capable of carrying out the civil administration of this City, and we only await the day when those in authority will realise the justice and advisability of granting us that liberty which we all so anxiously desire.

Dr. Lyon concluded that the real obstacle to further advancement along the road to a greater say in local affairs by Gibraltarians was the ignorance of those in authority in England.

…. Where it appears there are persons still under the old impression that Gibraltar, this historic Rock of which all true Englishmen should be proud, is somewhere in Central Africa and that its inhabitants walk about in loin cloths.

The year 1922, saw a further advance with the establishment of an Executive Council,, composed of four ex-officio and three unofficial members.   However, all the members were nominated or appointed by the Governor, and the function of the new body was restricted to advising the Governor, who continued to hold full legislative, administrative and executive powers.

Any hopes the Gibraltarians may have had of further steps towards greater autonomy were soon to be dashed.   When the Workers’ Union asked Smith-Dorrien’s successor, Sir Charles Monro, for a Labour representative to be appointed to the Executive Council, on the grounds that that body did not represent all sections of the community, the Governor’s response was

that this was an interesting example of the tendency which exists in Gibraltar at present for the civil population to claim rights which are hardly compatible with the existence of Gibraltar as a Military Fortress.

Repeated attempts to achieve a greater representation of the people in the years leading up to the Second World War all failed.   A request for a majority of elected members in the City Council was rejected by the Governor Sire Charles Monro in1926, and a similar request by the Exchange and Commercial Library was also turned down three years later.

In 1934, the Exchange Committee held an Extraordinary General Meeting to approve a Memorial to His Majesty the King in Council for more local representation in the City Council.   This was supported by the Transport and General Workers Union but not by the Chamber of Commerce.   The Memorial was signed by 3,152 out of the electoral census of 3,890, but the petition was rejected.

In 1940, as a result of the outbreak of the Second World War, legislation was enacted transferring the control of municipal affairs from the City Council to a single Commissioners.   One significant development during the war years was the formation, in 1942, of the Association for the Advancement of Civil Rights.    This body was to play an important role in the fight for greater self-government after the war.

The ending of the war saw the reconstitution of the City Council, this time with an elected majority.   Of thirteen Councillors, six were nominated or appointed by the Governor and seven were elected.    The vote was given to all male British subjects over the age of 21 who had been resident in Gibraltar for a continuous period of twelve months prior to the preparation of the register.   Under this ruling, 5,332 people qualified in 1945, of whom 3,712 voted at the first post-war election.

Proposals for the establishment of an Advisory Council were announced on the 30^th. December, 1944.     These were not proceeded with in view of representations made by representative bodies of citizens for the establishment of a Legislative Council.   On the 5^th. November, 1945, it was revealed that the Secretary of State was prepared to agree to such a move as soon as circumstances permitted.   However, the Secretary of State insisted yet again that in view of the special position of Gibraltar as a Fortress it would be essential to have an official majority on the Legislative Council over non-official members, nominated and/or elected.

Why the change of heart?   According to the official announcement:-

“In reaching his decision the Secretary of State has been influence by the growing interest of Gibraltarians in the complex problems of civil government and by the desire of His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom to recognise appropriately the wartime hardships of the people of Gibraltar by giving to them, in the form of wider constitutional privileges, an opportunity to assume a greater responsibility in the conduct of public affairs.” 

A Legislature At Last 

The question of the introduction of a Legislative Council continued to be discussed by the various representative bodies and the Government throughout the late forties, and culminated in the visit to Gibraltar, in September 1948, of the Minister of State for Colonial Affairs, Lord Listowel.    It was subsequently announced that the British Government had agreed to the establishment of a Legislature.   This was to consist of the Governor, as President, three ‘ex-officio’ members, two nominated members and five unofficial elected members.   The Governor was to hold certain reserved powers, including the power to pass any law he felt was necessary in the public interest.

The Gibraltar (Legislative Council) Order in Council came into effect on the 3^rd. February, 1950, and the first elections were held the following November.   Nine candidates were nominated for the five elective seats, and 7,214 votes were cast out of a total electorate of 13,564 – ie. a 53% turn-out.   For the first time in elections of any sort in Gibraltar women were able to vote, a right granted to them three years previously, and the system of voting used was that of proportional representation.

This historic poll was topped by A R Isola, a barrister standing as an Independent, and he was followed, and he was followed, in this order by F Panayotti Jnr., A Risso, J A Hassan (all AACR) and another Independent, Major J Patron.    The two members subsequently nominated by the Governor, H J Coelho and J Hayward, were both Gibraltarians.

An Executive Council, composed of four ex-officio and three unofficial members appointed by the Governor continued to assist in the formulation of policy for the administration of the Colony, whilst the City Council continued to look after municipal affairs.

On the 23^rd. November, 1950, His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh inaugurated the Legislative Council midst great ceremony and public excitement.

The second Legislative Council elections were held in September, 1953.   Of 13,071 registered electors, 7,276 vast their votes.   Seven candidates stood for the five vacancies, and J A Hassan easily topped the poll to push A R Isola (Independent) into second place.   S P Triay (Independent) came third, followed by AACR candidates A Risso and A W Serfaty.

In December if that same year the AACR triumphed in the City Council elections, gaining five of the seven seats and with J A Hassan again topping the poll.

A Bye-Election to the Legislative Council became necessary in October, 1954, due to the sudden death of S P Triay.   In a three-cornered contest between J E Alcantara (AACR), J J Triay (Independent and son of the former member) and S A Seruya, the AACR man got home to give the Party four of the five elective places on the Council.   Following this Bye-Election, a new political party calling it self the Gibraltar Commonwealth Party emerged.

A constitutional crisis came in 1955.   On the 27^th. July, the Financial Secretary, J Hayward, proposed a 10% ‘Ad Valorem’ Duty on a number of items (motor-cars and spare parts, cameras, cine-projectors, wireless sets, razor blades, watches and clocks).   The measure was defeated by six votes to four, one of the nominated members joining the five elected members in opposition.   Nonetheless, the Governor, Sir Harold Redman (who had only assumed command two months earlier) used his special reserved powers to push the new duties through).

The six who had voted against left the Chamber in protest, and on the 2^nd. August all shops closed for an hour in the evening as a crowd estimated at 3,500 assembled at John Mackintosh Square and then followed their political leaders to the Convent where a protest was handed in.

When the Secretary of State refused to intervene, the five elected members resigned (in September).   The Secretary of State, Sir Alan Lennox Boyd, then visited Gibraltar and, while still endorsing the Governor’s action, agreed that the Standing Finance Committee should in future be given more say in revenue matters.   At the ensuing Bye-Election, the five members who had resigned their seats were returned unopposed.

Late in 1955, the title of Chairman of the City Council was changed to Mayor.

Further developments came in 1956, when an Order in Council amended the constitution of the Legislative Council to allow for the appointment of a Speaker and to provide for an increase in the number of elected Members from five to seven.   Thus, the third General Election for the Legislative Council, held on the 19^th. September 1956, was the first in which there was a majority of elected Members.    Ten candidates presented themselves for the seven available seats, four from the AACR, three from the Gibraltar Commonwealth Party, and three independents, and there was a 58.2% turn-out (7,669 votes cast).    J A Hassan, leader of the AACR again topped the poll, followed by S A  Seruya (Independent), J J Triay (Gibraltar Commonwealth Party), A J Risso and A W Serfaty (AACR), P J Isola (Independent) and J E Alcantara (AACR), the AACR thus gaining four of the seven seats.   A R Isola (Independent), who had topped the first ever election in 1950 failed to get in.

Part Three – Further Constitutional Developments

As a result of the resignations of J J Triay (of the Gibraltar Commonwealth Party) and J E Alcantara (AACR), a Bye-Election had to be held in May, 1957.  Three candidates presented themselves, A P Montegriffo (AACR) and E M Russo (Independent) being elected.

Agreement was then reached in principle for the appointment of an independent Speaker of the Legislature and further progress was made in a scheme to associate the Unofficial Members with the executive work of Government Departments, which had been initiated in 1954.   All the Unofficial Members were allocated to Departments, and as a result they played an increasingly large part in public affairs.   Major J Patron was appointed the first Speaker of Gibraltar in 1958.

Further important constitutional developments were announced in July, 1959.   The life of the Legislature was extended from three to five years, provision was made for the appointment of a Chief Member, and the functions of Members associated with Government Departments were defined.

The fourth Elections for the Legislative Council were held in September, 1959, and there were a number of interesting new features.   Thus, candidates were able for the first time to make political speeches over Radio Gibraltar, Mrs. Dorothy Ellicott became the first woman to stand for the Legislative Council, and the Gibraltar Branch of the Transport and General Workers Union entered the fray for the first time since 1950.  Thirteen candidates came forward, four from the AACR., four from the TGWU and five Independents.   In a record poll of 66.3% (8,541 votes cast out if a total electorate of 13,331), J A Hassan again topped the poll, followed by S A Seruya and P J Isola (Independents), A J Risso and A W Serfaty (AACR), A J Baldorino Jnr. (TGWU) and Mrs D Ellicott (Independent).   J A Hassan, leader of the AACR and Mayor of Gibraltar, was appointed Chief Member.

In December, the triennial election of the City Council was uncontested, the AACR continuing to hold five seats and Independents two.

In 1960, it was agreed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies that the Annual and Supplementary Estimates no longer had to be submitted to the Colonial Office for approval.   Formal control over the financial affairs of the Colony was thus replaced by a system of informal consultation.

The relationship between the Colonial Government and the City Council was investigated by a constitutional expert from the Colonial Office who visited Gibraltar in June, 1960. The main recommendation in his report, which was under consideration at the end of the year, was a merger of legislative and municipal functions.

A further important step in constitutional development was taken in September, 1962, with the creation of a Council of Members to which much of the day to day work of the Executive Council was to be referred.   Interest in the City Council on the part of the electorate continued to diminish as a poll of 29.5% illustrated in December.   Eight candidates were nominated for the seven seats, and the seven serving Councillors were re-elected.

In September, 1963, the AACR submitted a number of proposals for constitutional reform which they asked should be considered and brought into effect in time for the next general election to the Legislative Council due to be held in 1964.   The views of other members of the Council on these proposals were also submitted to the Government.   By this time, the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonisation was discussing Gibraltar, and on the 17^th. September, 1963, the Chief Member, now Sir Joshua Hassan, and the Member for Education, P J Isola, flew to New York to put Gibraltar’s case.   The Gibraltarians had come a long way in a short time!

In April, 1964, a Constitutional Conference, attended by Lord Landsdowne, Minister of State at the Colonial Office, was held.   During the Conference, the unofficial members of the Legislative Council made it clear that they were not seeking independence nor any control of defence or foreign policy, and that it was their wish and that of all the people of Gibraltar that the Rock should always remain in close association with Britain.   The object of the Conference was to modify the Constitution in order to give the people of Gibraltar a fuller control of internal affairs.

As a result of the Conference, and with effect from the elections held in September 1964, the number of elected members in the Legislative Council was increased from seven to eleven, nominated members were abolished, and a Council of Ministers and the principle of ministerial responsibility was adopted.   The title of Chief Member was changed to that of Chief Minister and the Executive Council became known as the Gibraltar Council.   Matters of domestic concern were assigned to Ministers, who thereupon became collectively responsible to the Legislative Council.  Responsibility for other matters and the general direction and control of the Government remained vested in the Governor in Council.

Elections under the new Constitution were held early in September.  Fifteen candidates presented themselves, six from the AACR and the rest Independents, and there was a record poll of 76.24%  (10,342 votes cast out of an electorate of 13,564).   The AACR managed to get five of their six candidates in, but this was not enough to give them a majority.   In the end, they persuaded one of the Independents, Sir Peter Russo, to join them in forming a Government.

Part 4 – A New Constitution

The growing crisis vis-à-vis Spain led to the formation of a Coalition Government in July 1965, Government and Opposition having decided that a political truce would be in the best interests of Gibraltar.   Ministries were therefore found for Messrs. Isola, Triay, Stagnetto and Baldorino, whilst Messrs. Isola and Seruya replaced Messrs. Risso and Montegriffo on the Gibraltar Council.

Another result of the Spanish campaign, in the context of local politics, was the emergence of a Movement for the integration of Gibraltar with Britain.   In fact, the question of Gibraltar’s future constitutional relationship with Britain became a subject of great public interest during the year and a number of alternative forms were suggested and debated in the Press and elsewhere.

City Council elections were held in December, with nine candidates, four from the AACR and five Independents, standing for the seven seats to be filled.   There was a comparatively high poll (46%) which resulted in the election of the four AACR candidates and three Independents.

In February, 1967, the Integration with Britain Movement, hitherto a “pressure group”, formed itself into a political party under the leadership of Major Bob Peliza.

The following month the new Party was presented with an early opportunity to test its strength, when Mrs. Chiappe, the Minister for Education, resigned for personal reasons.   The bye-election was held on the 23^rd. May, and in a straight fight the AACR candidate, Emilio Alvarez, defeated the IWBP candidate, Major Peliza, by the narrow margin of 145 votes.   The 55.6% turn-out (7,7,20 votes were cast) was high for a bye-election and indicative of the public interest in political matters at a time of great crisis for Gibraltar.

Continued discussions on the future of Gibraltar, at the United Nations and elsewhere, led the British Government to hold a Referendum in September to give the people of Gibraltar an opportunity to choose their future course.   It was also announced that if the Gibraltarians opted for continued links with Britain, discussions on further constitutional reform would follow.   The Referendum was held in September 1967, and resulted in an overwhelming vote in favour of a retention of links with Britain (12,130 to 44).

In February 1968, the Minister of State at the Commonwealth Office, Lord Shepherd, visited Gibraltar for preliminary discussions with the elected members of the Legislative Council and other representative bodies prior to more formal talks later in the year to consider constitutional changes.

In March, the Committee of Elected Members of the Legislative Council which had been considering the proposals for constitutional changes, published its report, and during the following month a number of meetings were held between the Chief Minister, the Deputy Chief Minister and representatives of the IWBP to discuss the recommendations in the Constitution Committee’s Report.   On the 4^th. May, a Joint Communiqué was issued listing the principles on which agreement had been reached.

Formal constitutional talks were held in Gibraltar from the 16^th. to the 24^th. July, 1968, under the Chairmanship of Lord Shepherd, and in May 1969, Gibraltar’s new Constitution was published.    The Legislative Council and the City Council were replaced by a new body, to be called “The Gibraltar House of Assembly.”    This was to consist of a Speaker, fifteen Elected Members and two ‘ex-officio’ members (the Attorney-General and the Financial and Development Secretary).   The life of the Assembly was to four years.     The vote was granted to all adult British subjects who had been resident in Gibraltar for a continuous period of six months prior to the preparation of the Electoral register, and an Ordinance passed in October 1969, lowered the voting age from 21 to 18.

The Governor continued to be the Head of the Executive, and the Gibraltar Council of Ministers remained.   Ministers would continue to have responsibility for matters of domestic concern, whilst the Governor retained control over external affairs, defence and internal security.   The formal assent of the Crown, or the Governor on behalf of the Crown, would be required to all legislation.

The office of Mayor, to carry out ceremonial and representational functions, was to continue, and he was to be elected from the Assembly by the Elected Members.

Elections were held on the 30^th. July, 1969, nineteen candidates being nominated for the fifteen available seats.   The AACR put forward a team of eight, the IWBP six, the Isola and Isola Group three, and there were two Independents.   In an interesting contest, the AACR had seven of their candidates elected. The IWBP got five seats, and the Isola and Isola Group three.   Incidentally, this was the first election held by a system of direct voting, as opposed to the system of proportional representation hitherto employed.   There was a 71.4% turn-out. 

After protracted negotiations the IWBP and the Isola group formed an alliance to form a Government, with Major Bob Peliza as Chief Minister.   The other members of the new Government were Messrs. Xiberas, Caruana, Devincenzi and Miss Anes from the IWBP, and Major Gache, P J Isola and W M Isola from the Isola Group.   For once, Sir Joshua Hassan and the AACR found themselves on the Opposition benches!

Part Five – The Demise of the AACR and the End Of An Era

The new Government, the first under the new Constitution, was not destined to last out its full term.   In March 1972, Major Gache ceased to be a member of the Isola Group and on the 29^th. May the Chief Minister, Major Peliza, announced that he had advised the Governor, Sir Varyl Begg, to dissolve the House of Assembly some fourteen months before the expiry of its normal term, as he had ceased to have confidence in Major Gache.

The Election held on the 23^rd. June 1972 was historic in the sense that for the first time it was fought solely on a Party basis with no Independent candidates.   The Isola brothers joined the IWBP and both they and the AACR presented eight candidates each.   The election was a triumph for the latter who occupied the top eight positions in the poll – the full AACR team was Hassan, Canepa (a newcomer), Montegriffo, Abecasis, Featherstone, Serfaty, Zammitt (another newcomer), and Hoare.   The IWBP opposition team was Peliza, Xiberas, P Isola, Bossano, Caruana, Devinzenzi and W Isola.   Ministers took office on the 28^th. June, and the new House was opened on the 13^th. July.

The next four years saw the demise of the IWBP, and the emergence of a new Party calling itself the Gibraltar Democratic Movement, led by former IWBP member Joe Bossano.

Just prior to the Election of 1976, the IWBP announced that it would not be putting forward a team as it would not be able to present five candidates.   Maurice Xiberas resigned as leader of the Party and stood for election as an Independent.   Other former IWBP members who also stood as Independents were the Isola brothers and Major Peliza.    The AACR line-up included just one newcomer, Major Frank Dellipiane.   Altogether a record of 25 candidates came forward to contest the election.

The 1976 General Election was another triumph for the AACR, eight of the top ten places going to them.   The Gibraltar Democratic Movement took four seats (Bossano, Valarino, Perez and Restano), and the first-named was then elected leader of the Party and he became the Leader of the Opposition.   There had been a heavy turn-out – 74.8%

The year 1977 was an eventful one in the history of party politics in Gibraltar.   In August, Dr. Valarino resigned from the GMD at a time of great industrial unrest, and in September, Brian Perez and Gerard Restano followed suit, leaving Bossano as the only GDM member in the House.   In that same month, Dr. Valarino joined the Government tanks as a back-bencher.

These developments made Joe Bossano’s position as Leader of the Opposition untenable, and Maurice Xiberas took over, supported by Peter Isola, Restano, Perez and Peliza.    Also in September 1977, a new Party saw the light of day, the Party for the Autonomy of Gibraltar.

Yet another political party was born the following year, 1978 – the Democratic Party of British Gibraltar, in some ways the successor of the IWBP.   Maurice Xiberas became the new Party’s leader with Major Peliza, Peter Isola and Gerard Restano supporting him in the House.   Late in 1979, Xiberas left Gibraltar for personal reasons, having resigned from the House of Assembly and the leadership of the DPBG.   Sir Joshua Hassan then decided not to hold a bye-election, and he advised the Governor, Sir William Jackson, to dissolve the House thus bringing forward the date of the General Election.

Twenty seven candidates came forward for the Election of February, 1980:  the AACR and the DPBG had eight each, the recently formed Gibraltar Socialist and Labour Party, led by Joe Bossano, had six, and the Party for the Autonomy of Gibraltar presented three.   There was also one Nationalist and one Independent.   In the AACR ranks were former GDM members, Valarino and Perez.

In a  65.32% poll (10,605 votes were cast out of an electorate of 16,234), the AACR again managed to get their eight candidates in, but they were given a good fight by the DPBG, who had six of their men elected, three of them in the top six places.   The GSLP leader, Joe Bossano, achieved a personal triumph, coming second in the poll behind Sir Joshua Hassan, but he was the only members of that party to get in.   The PAG fared badly in these elections.

We thus come to the Election of 1984.  Twenty seven candidates again came forward, eight each from the AACR, DPBG, and GSLP, and three Independents.   In a remarkable result, the DPBG collapsed completely, none of their members being elected, whilst the GSLP ran the AACR a close second with seven seats.   The poll of 75% was the highest on record.    The AACR team was Hassan, Canepa, Valarino, Perez, Featherstone, Dellipiani, Mascarenhas and Zammitt, and the GSLP seven were Bossano, Pilcher, Feetham, Miss Montegriffo, J C Perez, Baldachino and Mor.

Shortly before the Election of March, 1988, Sir Joshua Hassan retired from politics thus bringing to an end an era in Gibraltar politics stretching back to the Second World War; Adolfo Canepa acted as Chief Minister for a while.    The DPBG ceased to exist just prior to the elections, and a new party, the Independent Democratic Party, led by former senior civil servant, Joe Pitaluga, entered the fray.

The Election of March 1988 was an overwhelming triumph for the GSLP, who, with 58.2% of the vote, took the top eight places; Joe Bossano, their leader, polled a massive 8,128 votes.   The AACR came a poor second, with their leader, Adolfo Canepa polling 4,422 votes.   The IDP failed to get any seats in the House of Assembly.

A number of important political developments took place after this Election.    The death of Joe Pitaluga was followed soon after by the demise of the IDP.    Peter Montegriffo resigned from the AACR and formed a party of his own, known as the Gibraltar Social Democrats    When, in early February, 1991, he decided to leave politics and resigned from the House of Assembly, a bye-election became necessary for the first time since 1967.

The bye-election held on the 16^th. May, 1991, was a straight fight between the new leader of the GSD, Peter Caruana, and Douglas Henrich, representing the AACR.   In a low turn-out of 26%, the AACR suffered yet another blow when their candidate was defeated by 2,496 to 1,542 votes.

The fortunes of the AACR went from bad to worse after that, as first Ernest Britto resigned from the Party and joined the ranks of the GSD, and then Reggie Valarino publicly criticised leader Adolfo Canepa for lack of activity in the political arena.

Part Six  – The Pendulum Swings

The Election of 1992 was a landslide victory for the GSLP who gained 73.07% of the vote and represented a massive vote of confidence in Joe Bossano’s Government.    The GSD filled the seven opposition seats with the GNP left out in the cold.    This victory was described by the Gibraltar Chronicle as “historic” and was the largest electoral victory in Gibraltar’s political history.

Things were to change dramatically in the ensuing four years as the GSLP’S popularity waned, largely due to the fast launch activities. Keith Azopardi left the GNP in June 1993 to join the GSD, but the party suffered a set-back in April of the following year when Peter Cumming left them, though continuing in the House of Assembly, as an Independent.   However, this was more than counteracted in June 1995 when Peter Montegriffo, the founder of the Party, returned to the political arena and rejoined the GSD.

The continued fast launch activity in 1994 and 1995, culminating in the riots of July 1995, together with resultant Spanish restrictions at the frontier, turned public opinion in Gibraltar against the then GSLP Government. As another election loomed, the GSD were strengthened by the entry of Joe Holliday and Bernard Linares into their ranks.

The GSLP line-up for the Elections called for the 16^th May, 1996, showed three changes – Michael Feetham, Joe Pilcher and Joe Moss stepped down, and were replaced by Clive Golt, Joshua Gabay and Albert Isola. Steven Linares, presented as “the main spokesman against the fast launch activity,” joined the GNP., whilst Jaime Netto joined the GSD line-up.

On the 16^th May, 1996, Gibraltar once again went to the polls and gave Peter Caruana’s GSD a comfortable victory with 52% of the vote.  The GSLP were relegated to the Opposition benches whilst the GNP again languished in the bottom rungs.  Judge Alcantara was appointed Speaker of the House and Mayor on the 23^rd May, 1996.

The period between this Election and the next (1996-2000) was dominated by external affairs as a result of Spain’s continued harassment of the Gibraltarians. The fishing dispute, frontier queues and other restrictions intermingled with various attempts by the GSD Government and the Mayors of the neighbouring towns to achieve some form of cross-frontier co-operation.

On the domestic political front, the National Party was re-launched in March 1997 as the Liberal Party, and soon afterwards the GSLP and the new Liberal Party began to work closely on foreign affairs. The by now defunct AACR received a further nail in its coffin when Reggie Valarino resigned in August 1998.

On the 8^th December, 1998, Robert Mor of the GSLP died and this made a bye election necessary. The GSD did not put forward a candidate, whilst the GSLP Executive decided to support the candidature of Dr. Joseph Garcia of the Liberals, thereby taking a further step towards the eventual alliance of the two Parties. Peter Cumming and Peter Cabezutto stood as Independents, and John Piris came forward as the candidate of the AACR. In the bye election of the 4^th February, 1999, Garcia topped the poll with 4,395 votes, Cumming received 2,663, Cabezutto 1,144, and Piris 337.  The AACR was thus well and truly buried!

In February 1999, Lyana Armstrong-Emery and Anthony Balloqui resigned from the Liberal Party in protest at that Party’s alliance with the GSLP.

Just prior to the General Election of the 10^th February, 2000, Peter Montegriffo announced that he would not be standing, and the GSD replaced him with Yvette Del Agua. Reggie Valarino made a comeback to politics, joining the GSLP/Liberal Alliance, who presented a joint candidature. Lyana Armstrong-Emery stood as an Independent Liberal and Peter Cumming as a pro-Settlement Independent.